Historia General Del Perú - Martín de Murúa

8/18/2019 Historia General Del Perú - Martín de Murúa

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T H E

G E T T Y M U R Ú A


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T H B G E T T Y

M U R Ú A

Essays on the Making of

Martín

de

Murúa's

H istoria Ge neral del Piru,

J. Paul Getty Museum M s. Ludwig XIII16

Edi t ed by

T h om a s

B . F. Cummins an d B arbara Anderson

Publ ished by the G et ty Research Inst i tute


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The

G e t ty

Research Institute Publications Program

Thomas W . G aeh tgens , Director, Getty Research Institute

G a i l

Feigenbaum, Associate Director, Programs

Jul ia B loomfield, Head, Publications Program

Thomas

Crow, Jeffrey

M . Hurwit, Jacqueline Lichte nstein,

Alex Pot ts,

an d M i m i

Ha l l Y i engpruksawan, Publications

Committee

Th e Getty Murúa: Essays

on the

Making

of

Martín

de

Murúa's

Historia G eneral del Piru, J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. Ludwig

XIII16

Michelle B onnice, Manuscript Editor

Juan M. Ossio's essay was t ransla ted by Margaret Sayers Pede

T h i s volume is published to

coincide

with the

exhibition

Th e

Marvel

an d

Measure

o f

Peru:

Three

Centuries

of

Visual

Histo

1550-1880, held a t the G et ty Research Inst i tu te, 8 July-

19

October 2008

© 2008 J. Pau l G e t t y T rus t

Publ i shed by the Getty Research

Institute,

L os

Angeles

G et ty Publ icat ions

1200 G et ty

Center

Drive, Suite 50 0

Los Angeles, Cal i fornia 90049-1682

www.get t y .edu

12 11 10 09 08 5 4 3 2 1

Library

of

Congress

Cataloging-in-Publicat ion Data

T he

G e t t y

Murúa :

essays

on the making of

Mart ín

de Murúa

"H istoria general

de l

Pi ru ,"

J.

Pau l G e t t y Museum

M s.

Ludw

X I I I

16/edited

by Thomas B . F .

C u m m i n s

and Ba rba ra

Anderson.

p. cm.

"Th is vo lume

is

publ ished

to

coincide wi th

th e

exhibi t ion

T he

Marvel

an d

Measure

of

Peru: Three Centuries

of

Visua

H istory, 1550-1880, held

at the

G e t t y Resea rch In s t i t u te ,

8 July-19

October

2008."

Includes bibl iographical references and index.

ISB N-is: 9 78-0-89236-895-2 (boxed set )

ISB N-13: 978-0-89236-894-5

1 . Peru—H i s to ry—T o 1548 . 2 . Peru—H i s t o ry—Conques t ,

1522-1548. 3. Incas. 4. Murúa, M art ín de. Histor ia general

del Pi ru . 5 . Manuscripts, Spanish American—California—Los

Angeles.

6.

Ludwig, Peter , 1925

A rt

collections.

7. J.

Pa u

G e t t y

Museum.

I.

Cummins , Thomas

B . F . (Thomas B i t t i ng

Foster) , 1949-

II .

Ande rson, B arbara (B arbara Christ ine) , 194

F34 4 4.M95G 4 8 2008

985' .01—dc22

2008000088

Il lustrat ion Credits

A ll pho tographs

of

pages from Mart ín

de

Murúa ,

Historia

general

de l

Piru, 1616 (Southern Andes

an d

Madr i d ) ,

Ms .

Ludwi g X I I I 1 6 (83.MP.i59), are courtesy the J. Paul G et ty

Museum, L os Angeles. Photo: J. Pau l G e t t y

T r u st

Al l photographs of pages from Mart ín de Murúa,

Historia del

origen, y genealogía real de los

reyes

ingas d el Piru, 1590 (Perú),

are courtesy Sean Galvin

Cover (back left to front r ight , top to bot tom): F rom Mart in

de Murúa ,

Historia

general de l

Piru,

fols. i9r (adorat ion of

Manco Capac), 2i r (investiture of Sinchi Roca), 2i v (Manco

Capac), 23r (Mama H uaco), 24 V (Sinchi Roca), 25 V (Chimpo),

n

26 v (L loque Y upanqu i ) ,

2 7v

(Mama Cura),

28 v

(Mayta Capac),

29V (Chimpo U rma), 3ov (Capac Y upanqui) , 3iv (Chimpo

Ocllo), 32v (Inca Roca), 33v (Cusi

Chimpo),

34V (Y ahuar

ry,

H uacac) , 35V

(Ipahuaco),

3 6v

(Viracocha

Inca),

37v

(Mama

Y unto ) , 38v (Pachacu t i Inca Y upanqu i ) , 4 4V (Pachacut i Inca

Y u p a n qu i ) ,

46 v (Mama A na H u a rq u e ) , 47 V (T upac Inca

Y upanqui) , 5 iv (Tupac Inca Y upanqui) , 54V (Mama O cl lo) , 56r

(H uayna Capac) , 5 7V (Huayna Capac) , 6o r (H uayna Capac) , 79 r

(Rahua

Ocl lo) , 84r (Huásc ar) , 89r (Chuqui l lanto)

Front ispiece: Detai l of Mart ín de Murúa,

Historia general del

Piru, fol . 307r (coat of arms of the k ingdom of Peru). See p. 14

Pages 79,8 0: Courtesy Det Kongel ige B ibl iotek/T he R oyal

Library, Copenhagen.

T he

manuscript

is

posted

in its

ent i rety

at h t t p :

//www.kb.dk/permalink/2oo6/poma/info/en/

f ron t page .h t m

Page 115: Courtesy The Li l ly Library, Indiana Universi ty ,

's B loomington

i g P a ge 1 26 , f ig . 2 : O b je c t n o. B - 51 8. C o ur te s y D u m b a r to n O a k s,

Pre-Columbian Col lect ion, Washington, D.C.

Page 128,

fig. 4:

Photograph

©

Johan Reinhard

Page 129, fig. 6: The Metropoli tan Museum of Art , Rogers

Fund ,

1982. Acc.

no.

1982.365. Pho tograph

© T h e

Metropol i tan

l

Museum of Ar t

Pages 130,

fig. 8;

132,

fig. 12:

Courtesy

of the

collectors

Page 131, fig. 10: The Metropoli tan

Museum

of Art , Bequest of

John

B .

E l l iot t , 1997. Acc.

no.

1999.47.306. Photograph

© T h e

Metrop ol i tan Museum of Art

Page 134, fig. 13: G G Inv. No. 771. Courtesy K unsthistorisc hes

M u s e u m , Vienna

Page 134, f ig. 14: Photo: Elena Phipps

Page 135: Photomicrographs courtesy Nancy

T u r ne r

l Pages 151, 166: Pho to : Thomas

B . F .

C u m m i n s

7-

http://www.getty.edu/http://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.htmhttp://www.getty.edu/


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Contents

Ackno w ledgment s

vii

In t ro duc t io n

B A R B A R A

A N D E R S O N

A N D

T H O M A S B . F . C U M M I N S

1

T he

Ma king

of

M urúa 's Historia

General de l

Piru

ROLEN

DORNO

ND

I V N BOSERUP

Murúa ' s

T wo

Ma nusc r i p t s :

A

Compar ison

J U A N M . ossio

77

Censorsh ip and Approba t ion in Murúa ' s Historia

General

del Piru

R O L E N A

A D O R N O

95

Colors, T ext i les ,

an d

Ar t i s ti c P ro duc t io n

in

Murúa ' s Historia

General

del Piru

E L E N A P H I P P S , N A N C Y T U R N E R , A N D K A R E N T R E N T E L M A N

125

T he

Images

in

Murúa ' s Historia

General

del Piru:

An Ar t

H i s tor i ca l S tudy


147

Wo rks Ci t ed

175

B io gra phi ca l N o t e s

on the

Co nt r i bu to r s

181

Index

183


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Acknowledgments

W E S H O U L D L I K E

to thank T homas Crow and G ai l Fe igenbaum of the G e t ty Research Ins t i tute and

Michae l B rand and T homas K ren of the J . Paul G e t ty Museum for the ir suppor t o f the amb it ious

pro jec t we

envisioned

fo r

mak ing M ar t í n

de

M ur úa ' s

Historia general

de l

Piru more

accessible

to

Andean scholars

an d

more wide ly known

to

those intr igued

by the

Inca empi r e

an d

early colonial

Peru. Th is vo lume

of essays is one

c o mpo ne n t

of

that under taking. I ssued s imultaneously with

th e

facsimile

of

Mu rúa ' s

i l lus trated manuscr ip t , i t provides var ious perspec t ives on the c reat ion and

content o f the seventeenth-century or ig inal .

We are much inde bted to Rolena Adorno , Ivan B oserup, Juan M. Ossio , E lena Phipps , Kare n

T rente lman, and Nancy T urner , each of whom contr ibute d f ine ly honed exper t ise and f ie rce de te r -

minat ion

to the

co l lec t ive endeavor

of

br inging

th e

v ar ious e lements

of the

M urúa pro jec t into be ing.

We have learned so much f rom our co l leagues f rom N ew H aven, Copenhagen, Lima, and New Y ork,

an d

we

will miss their visits

to Los

Angeles .

Sean

G alvin grac iously shared

h is

table,

hi s

t ime

an d

wit,

and his

precious manuscript

for an

unprecedented

an d

unforgettable period

of

s tudy

an d

display.

Cecelia Klein of the U niversity of California, Los Angeles, and Jeanette Peterson of the U niversity of

California, Santa B arbara, conducted a graduate seminar devoted to the G e t ty Murúa, guid ing

their

talented students toward

ou r

enterprise. K risten Collins, Kurt B arstow, E lizabeth Morrison,

an d

Christine Sciacca

of the

G e t t y

Museum's

Manuscr ip ts D e p a r t m e n t pat ient ly

an d

eff iciently hosted

endless consul ta t ions of the m anuscr ip t over the las t few years . Angel ica Afan ador Pujo l and A manda

H e r r i n

as

research assistants

and

E m i l y E n g e l

as a

G e t ty grad uate inte rn were invaluable

to

B a r ba r a

Anderson, contr ibut ing to al l facets of the M urúa pro jec t , f rom supervis ing photography to c r i t ical

review

of the

var ious mater ia ls ,

an d

offering

th e

vi ta l ,

fresh

perspec t ives

o f

young scholars.

The key ro le in real iz ing the substant ia l ed i to r ia l

effor t

that the publication of the

essays

an d

facsimile

required was played by Miche l le B onnice . H er commitm ent and counse l th roughout the

lat te r s tages s ignif icant ly improved the content and pre sentat ion of both publicat ions . Chr is Foste r ,

fo rmer ly of

Imaging Services

at the

G e t ty M u se u m ,

and his

co l leagues Jack

Ross,

Michae l Smith ,

and Re becca Ver a-Mar t ine z hero ical ly provided the photographs of the G e t ty Murúa needed for th is

volum e as well as the facsim ile. Julia

B loomfie ld ,

H e ad o f th e G e t ty Re se a r c h

Inst i tute 's

P ublicat ions

P r o gr am, and Chr i s H udso n, M ar k G r e e nbe rg ,

Kara

Kirk , Karen Schmidt , Deenie Y ude l l ,

Jeffrey

Cohen,

an d

Suzanne Watson

of

G e t ty Publicat ions shepherded

both

vo lumes

through

deve lopment ,

design, an d produc t ion unt i l they mater ia l ized at last.

B A R B A R A

A N D E R S O N

A N D

T H O M A S

B . F .

C U M M I N S

vi i


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Introduction

i. T he Journey of a Chronicle from

New World to Old and

B a c k

B A R B A R A

A N D E R S O N

1

Ma r t ín

de

Murúa ' s

Historia general de l

Pirn (1616; G enera l h is tory

of

P e r u ) — o r

th e

G e tt y M u r ú a —

holds wi th in i t s covers not only one of the f i rs t i l lust ra ted accounts of Inca and Spanish co lonia l Peru

but also, as the essays in th is vo lume revea l , a fasc ina t ing and complex ta le of the making and ea r ly

reception of the manuscript i tself. I t also provides tantaliz ing clues to its author's biography, although

Mu rúa h imsel f remains a mystery . H e came to Pe ru f rom his na t ive Spa in in the la te

15005

as a m em-

ber of the Mercedar ian O r d e r ,

2

returned to Spain by 1615, and left no fur ther t races of h is exis tence

after 1616, when

hi s

ma nusc r i p t

for the

Historia

general was

rece ived

at the

Pa lac io Rea l

in

M a d r i d .

M u c h more i s known about the manusc r ip t ' s r ich and far-f lung

life

on three cont inents . Treasured

by the f ew who

knew

of it, and

even playing

a

minor role

in

severa l major h is tor ica l events ,

Murú a ' s

Historia

general

has essent ia l ly remained h idden in pla in s igh t for over th ree hundred years .

T he

ea r l ies t indica t ions

of i ts

t rave ls

are to be

found wi th in

th e

manuscr ipt i t se l f

an d

bear wi t -

ness to its

jo urney to w a rd pub l i ca t i on ,

an end

tha t Murúa fervent ly desi red

but

never rea l ized . L ike

al l

authors aspi r ing to print in the Spanish empire , he had to acqui re wr i t ten approva ls of his w o rk

from

both

secula r and re l igious author i t ies in order to obta in a roya l l i cense to publ ish . As Rolena

Adorno expla ins in her essay for th is vo lume, f i f teen approba t ions a re inser ted , out of chronologica l

o rde r ,

at the

f ro n t

of the

ma nusc r i p t (folios 3-11).

3

G a th e ring t h e se t e s t ament s

to the

h is tor ica l accu-

racy

and doct r ina l or thodoxy of h is text , and possibly craft ing the f ina l vers ion, Murúa apparent ly

took th e manuscr ipt across th e V i ce ro ya l t y of Pe ru , w h i ch at the

time

inc luded near ly all of South

Amer i ca .

H e

mo ved no r th ea s t f ro m I l a ba ya (Pe ru)

to La Paz

(B o l iv i a )

in

1611, then southeast

to La

Pla ta (Sucre , B o l ivia )

in

1612, southwe st

to

Potosí (B ol ivia )

in

1613,

an d

southe ast aga in

to

Córdoba

de

T ucumá n (Córdoba , Arg ent ina) and,

finally,

B uenos Aires

in

1614.

In

1615,

th e

Historia general reached

th e

M erceda r i a n mo na s te ry

in

Ma dr i d . F ro m th e r e ,

it

m a d e

its way to the

Spanish king, Phi l ip I I I ,

who

granted his approba t ion in 1616, appending th e l icense to publ ish , which , despi te th e roya l imprima-

tur , came

to

n a u g h t — p e r h a p s because ,

a s

Ado rno p ro po ses

in her

essay

in

th is vo lume,

i t had the bad

luck to fo l low E l Inca G arc i laso de la Vega ' s h is tory in seeking offic ial and financial sponsorship.

These approva ls a re bound be tween two unsigned and unda ted texts in d i f fer en t h a nds (folios 2 v ,

141)

that add to the biographies of the manuscript and i ts author l ike scribal ghosts. On

folio

2V

are two

una t t r i bu t ed po ems a dd r e ssed " A l autor" ( T o the author) tha t ar e ca l l igraphed in a hand considered by

Ad orno to be an

am a teu r ' s

emula t ion of a professiona l

scr ibe ' s .

T h is

amateur's

hand is used as well , she

argues, for the t i t le an d inscr ipt ions on the t i t l e page , many of the approba t ions, th e last folios of the

f inal ch a p t e r , and the table of contents . A dorno ascr ibes th is hand to M u r ú a and charac ter izes these text

blocks as

"fair

copies of mater ia ls d raf ted earlier."

4

In o ther word s, she a rgues, these

folios

postda te the

bu lk

of the

ma nusc r i p t , ma rk ing

a

l a s t -m inu t e r ew o rk ing

of i ts

presenta t ion. Fol io i4r conta ins another

se t of int r iguing chronologica l c lues . Wri t ten in a scrawled cursive scr ipt tha t A dorno a t t r ibu tes to a less

carefu l ly ca l l ig r a ph i c Murúa ,

it s

t ex t

is a florid,

a no nymo us ,

an d

enigmat ic offer ing

of the

ma nusc r i p t

"A su

A l t e za

de e l

P r inc ipe

de

E s p añ a

N. S . D .

Phi l ippo

4° y a su

Al teza Pr incesa

de

E s p a ñ a

y

Señora

1


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N."

( T o H i s

H igh ness ,

th e

P r ince

o f

Spa in,

O ur

L o rd

D on

Phi l ip

IV , and to H e r

H igh ness ,

th e

P r incess

of Spa in and Our Lady) in which a blank is

left

af ter "Al teza" where the pr incess ' s name should

a p p e a r .

5

H o w i t w a s that

Murúa knew th a t

the

c ro w n p r ince

w as

ma r r i ed

b u t d id no t

kno w

th e

na me

of the br ide i s puzz l ing. P hi l ip marr ied the F rench pr incess Isabel de B ourbon in 1615 and was crowned

king

in

1621,

so the

le t te r offer ing

hi s

w o rk

as a gift

w o uld h a ve been

d raf ted

be tween those years .

T he

most l ike ly da te i s 1616, the year tha t the roya l nota ry ' s rubr ic was added to each rec to throug hout the

manuscript, and also th e year in which an annota t ion about th e current viceroy of Peru

6

and a new,

unnumb ered ch a p t e r w e re p ro ba b ly

inse r t ed .

T h i s a ppea r s

to

h a ve been Murúa ' s l a s t t e s t a ment r eg a rd -

ing the

disposi t ion

of his

H istoria general.

T he

G e t t y Murú a seems e i th e r

to not

ac tua l ly have been rece ived into

th e

co l lec t ions

of the

f u t u r e Phi l ip IV or to have been re turned to the Mercedar ians in Madr id soon

af ter

i t s a ccep t a nce by

th e

roya l cour t , because

t he

Am er i ca n i s t b ib l i o g ra ph e r N i co l ás Anto n io w ro t e

in

1672 tha t

th e

m a n u -

sc r i p t w en t f ro m th e Merceda r i a n l i b r a ry d i r e c t l y t o t h e co l l e c t i o n o f L o renz o Ra mí r ez de P ra do .

7

Ramírez was a d iplomat and lawyer wi th c lose t ies to both Phi l ip I I I and Phi l ip IV, and in 1631 , the

la t te r appointed

him to the

R e a l

y

S upremo Co nse jo

de Ind ias

(Co unc i l

of the

Indies) , which

was

th e

go ve rn ing bo dy

of Sp a in 's

colonies

in the

A m e r i c as .

8

U p o n

R am i rez ' s

d e a t h

in

1658,

th e

b ro a d ly

humanist ic l ibra ry of th is major b ibl iophi le conta ined many manuscr ipts and vi r tua l ly a l l extant

pub l i ca t i o ns pe r t a in ing to t h e N ew W o r ld . A f t e r h is dea th , some of h is hold ings were conf i sca ted fo r

review

by the

H o l y

Off ice of the

Inqu i s i t i o n ( Inqu i s i ti o H a e r e t i c a e P ra v i t a t i s S a nc tum O f f i c i u m ),

but

the vast remaind er was inventor ied before end ing up in Sa lam anca , a t the l ibra ry of h is a lma mate r ,

the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca ,

9

where the G e t ty M urú a was recor ded in 1782, in the ea r l ie r of i t s two

surviving inventor ies .

1 0

B eca use t h e G e t t y Murúa do es no t a ppea r i n t h e i nven to ry t a ken fo l lo w ing

Ra mi r ez ' s dea th ,

i t may

have been among those i tems scrut inized

by the

H o l y

Off ice an d

only la te r

fo rw a rded t o S a l a ma nca .

It is

unc l ea r

ho w

w idesp r ea d

was the Historia

general's r epu ta t i o n

or its use as a

source

in the

numero us seven t een th -

an d

e i gh t een th -cen tu ry h i s to r i e s

of the N ew

W o r l d ,

but the

text

w as

c e r t a in ly

known. Sub seque nt to Antonio ' s b ibl iography of 1672, An drés G onzález de B arc ia ' s b ibl iography of 1738

included a br ie f ent ry on Murúa ' s work, which he lif ted f ro m A nto n io bu t w h i ch

made

no r e f e r ence

to the

manuscr ipt ' s physica l loca t ion.

1 1

T he f i rs t

do cum ented sch o la rl y exa mina t io n

of the

ma nusc r i p t

o ccur r ed in

1782,

w h e n

Jua n B a u t i s ta Muño z ,

w ho

held

th e office of

cronista mayor

de las

Indias ( roya l

ch ro n i c l e r

of the

Ind ies) , consul ted

it in

S a l a ma nca

as he

t r a ve l ed a ro und S pa in

in

sea rch

of

unpub l i sh ed

sources for a h is tory of the A mer ic as tha t was left uncomple ted a t h is dea th in 1799 .

12

Shor t ly

a f te r

Muño z

saw the

ma nusc r i p t

in

S a l a ma nca , Ch a r l e s

I II

o rde r ed

th e

c losure

of all

th e

colegios

mayores

(majo r co l leges) a t tache d to universi t ie s in Spa in because he was threa te ned by

the i r educa t iona l author i ty

an d

po w er

to

in f luence i dea s . Aro un d 1 8 02 , Murúa ' s Historia

general an d

ma ny o th e r p r e c io us med i eva l a nd Rena i ssa nce ma nusc r i p t s left S a l a ma nca fo r Ma dr i d , w h en Ch a r l e s

IV a ppro pr i a t ed t r ea sur e s f ro m

th e

l ibra r ies

of

r e cen t l y de f u n c t

colegios to

enr i ch

h is

l i b r a ry

in the

roya l pa lace .

A n

inscr ipt ion

on the

t i t l e page

of the

G e t ty M u r úa ,

" De l a B ib l ioth .

a

d e l

Coll

0

M .

or

de Cuenca" (From the l ibra ry of the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca) , a lso appears , in a s imi la r hand, in

o th e r vo lumes c l a imed

by

Ch a r l e s

IV and

p ro ba b ly r e co rds t h i s t r ansfer , w h ich

is

d o c u m e n t e d

in a

ma nusc r i p t i nven to ry no w in t h e B ib l io t e ca N a c io na l i n Ma dr i d .

1 3

Not long af ter th e Historia general 's

re tu rn to the Pa lac io Rea l , Char les IV was forced off the Spanish throne by N apoléon B onapar te , who

rep l a ced

him

wi th

his

b ro th e r , Jo seph B o na pa r t e ,

i n

1808. Joseph

had his own

sea l s tamped inside

th e

new bindings he comm issioned for m any of the books in the roya l l ibra ry , espec ia l ly those works tha t

ha d

only recent ly entered

th e

pa l a ce . Th i s

seal, no w

lost , survived until 1961, when

it was

r emo ved

d u r i n g

th e

r eb ind ing

o f the m anus c r ip t .

1 4

Th e ma nusc r i p t w a s no t

fated

e i ther to remain a t cour t o r to

fulf i l l

i t s i n t ended purpo se , w h i ch

was to

e d u c a t e

th e

Spanish homeland about

the New

W o r l d .

In

1813,

th e

ma nusc r i p t en t e r ed

a new

phase in i ts life, f inding i t se l f a pawn in the Peninsula r War , fought to dr ive the French f rom Por tuga l

and Spa in. E ngland sent i t s most da sh ing mi l i t a ry h e ro , Ar th ur We l l e s l ey ( t h e fu tu re ist D u k e o f

We l l ing to n) ,

to

c o m m a n d

th e

co mbined E ng l i sh , S pa n i sh ,

and

Po r tuguese t ro o ps .

In the

a f t e r m a t h

of

th e

dec is ive ba t t le

of

V i to r ia

on 21

June 1813, Joseph a t tem pted

to

escape

t o

F ra nce

in a

ca ra va n

of

car r iages

loaded wi th books

and

pa int ings taken f rom

the

pa l a ce . Wh en

he

rea l ized tha t Wel l ington' s

men had his

en to ura ge su r ro un ded , Jo seph l ea p t o n to

a

wai t ing horse

an d

ga l loped

to

safety o ve r

th e

Pyrénées,

leaving

t he

looted t reasures behind. Wel l ington se ized

them, had

them sh ipped

to

E n g l a n d ,

and, knowing l i t t l e about a r t , asked

h is

b ro th e r , H enry W e l l e s ley , B r i t i sh a mba ssa do r

to

S pa in ,

to

A N D E R S O N A N D C U M M I N S

2


12/198

arrange

for

their evaluation

and

speedy return

to the

newly reinstalled Spanish king, Charles

IV"s

son,

Ferdinand VII.

Wellington's

brother appreciated the importance of the hoard, and through dip-

lomatic channels in England he tried for two years to get them all properly repatriated. In 1816, in an

u n cha r a c t e r i s t i c

act of

generosity, Ferdinand

off ic ial ly

declined

to

accept

them

back, making

a gif t of

them to Wellington in gratitude for removing the French.

15

A s

we now recognize, when the Getty Murúa

le f t

Spain, it was participating in yet another his-

torical moment, namely, a

s ignif icant

shif t in the history of international collecting. In the aftermath

of

the French Revolution, the Peninsular War, and other erupting

conf l ic t s

across Europe, objects in

private collections went abroad

in

droves. England

was the

primary destination, both

for war

booty

and for items sold by newly impoverished nobles in

war-torn

countries. It was in this period that

the art of

Spain

and its

colonies

first

became known

and

desirable

to

collectors outside

the

Spanish

empire and

broadened

the

definition

of

England's national patrimony

to

include treasures made

outside its borders but regarded as part of its collective cultural identity.

The manuscript soon had a brush with the pantheon of English literature as well.

A f t e r

reading

William Robertson's acclaimed history of Peru,

10

Wellington realized the value of Murúa's Historia

general ,

and in 1824, he

of fe red

to lend it to Sir Walter Scott, thinking that it would make good mate-

rial for a historical novel. Although Scott did dispatch his son to retrieve the manuscript from the

duke's house, it is not known whether the author ever actually saw it, and he certainly did not use it

in his own work.

17

A f t e r

that, Murúa's

Historia

general seems to have gathered dust in the Wellington

libraries, ending up at Apsley House, the family's London residence. Only in 1951 did the manuscript's

long obscurity end, when it was rediscovered by Miguel Enguidanos Requena, at the time Manuel

B a l le s t e ro s

Gaibrois's assistant at the Universidad de Madrid, and immediately made available to the

scholarly community by Gerald Wellesley,

/th

Duke of Wellington, an amateur historian. He allowed

it to be deposited at the Bodleian Library in

O xf o rd ,

where the photostatic copy that Ballesteros stud-

ied

was

made.

Along with many of the manuscripts and books acquired at Vitoria by Wellington, Murúa's

Historia general was auctioned at Sotheby's London in 1979 and bought by H. P.

K ra us ,

the legendary

New

Y o rk

bookdealer, who then sold the Vitoria hoard to Peter and Irene Ludwig, two well-known

collectors in Germany who had extensive holdings in European illuminated manuscripts. They kept

the collection until 1983, when they sold it, again through

K r au s ,

to the J. Paul Getty Museum in Los

Angeles, where it has finally begun to receive the attention it so richly deserves.

2.

Historiography

of the

Manuscr ip t


Few,

if

any,

of the

more than

four

hundred illuminated manuscripts

in

thej. Paul Getty Museum's

collection have been visited and studied as much as Murúa's

Historia

general del

Piru.

Produced in the

second decade of the seventeenth century, it is one of only three extensively illustrated manuscripts,

all interrelated, on the history of early colonial Peru. The other two are a second, earlier manuscript

by

Murúa, entitled

Historia de l origen, y genealogía

real

de los reyes ingas del Piru

(1590; History

of the

origin and royal genealogy of the Inca kings of P e r u ) — o r the Galvin m a n u s c r i p t — a n d Felipe Guarnan

Poma

de

Ayala's

E l primer nueva

coronica

i buen

gobierno (1615;

The f i rst new

chronicle

an d

good

government). The latter has received intense study since it was discovered in Copenhagen at Det

Kongelige

Bibliotek at the beginning of the twentieth century, but until recently, both of Murúa's

manuscripts have remained in relative obscurity despite their singular importance.

The interdisciplinary and innovative scholarship of the

essays

gathered in this volume is a direct

consequence both of the Getty Murúa's extraordinary historical nature and of its relationship to the

other two. These essays, however, are only a middle stage in the unfolding analysis of the Murúa

manuscript that began with its entry into the

museum's

collections over twenty years ago. Its arrival

in Los Angeles was purely serendipitous, given that it was acquired as part of the Ludwigs' collec-

tion of European illuminated manuscripts, which had been cataloged in its entirety by Joachim M.

Plotzek

and

Anton

von

Euw, both curators

at the time at the

Museum Schnütgen

in Cologne.

18

The

presence

of the

manuscript

at the

Getty went unnoticed

by

Andean scholars until

the

ethnohistorian

R. Tom

Zuidema

and the

historian Sabine MacCormack

saw it

while they were Getty scholars

at the

I N T R O D U C T I O N

3


13/198

G e t ty R e se a rc h I nst i tu te

in

1990

an d

1991. They quickly

an d

generously spread

th e

word that this

impor tan t

work was now

accessible

fo r

study. Since

that t ime, th e

manuscr ip t

ha s been th e focus of

col laborat ive efforts by staff and scholars a t the G e t ty Research Ins t i tute , the J . Paul G e t ty M useum,

an d

the G e t ty Conservat ion Ins t i tute to fur the r the

manuscr ip t ' s

s tudy and d isseminat ion. Th is vo l-

ume of

essays

is but one result of this ongoing e ndea vor. I t is published along with a facsimile of the

manuscr ip t intended

to

make M ur úa ' s Historia

general

muc h

more

accessible

to

scholars,

an d

bo th

volum es are issued on the occasion of an exhibition at the G etty R esearch Institute dev oted to the

representat ion

of

Peru dur ing

th e

th ree centur ies fo llowing

t he

Spanish conquis tadors ' ar r ival am ong

the Inca in 1530.

T he

G e t ty M u rú a

was first

made avai lable

to the

general publ ic

by

Manue l B al les te ros G aibro is,

who published an edited transcription in the early 19605 after h is ass is tant r ecognized the manuscr ip t

in the

D u k e

of W el l ing ton 's collection.

19

In his

ed i t ion, th ir ty-seven

of the

manuscr ip t ' s images were

ar ranged in several small groups , no t p laced with the ir accompanying text , and published as

half-

tones, not in color.

20

Despi te th is major shor tcoming, th e extraord inary nature of the visual mate r ia l

in the m anuscr ip t was c lear . Y e t i t went large ly unnoticed by almost a l l Ande an scholars , even those

who

deal t substant ive ly with

G u a rn a n

Poma's

Nueva coránica,

with

it s

near ly

four

hundred i l lus tra-

tions.

21

T he general problems presented by i l lu s trated manuscr ip ts ( such as models and sources , the

issue of

workshops,

and the

tra ining

of

ar t is ts ) have never been

of

c o nc e r n

to

Andeanis ts pursuing

either

historical or art historical studies, pr imari ly because there are so few such manuscripts relating

to

Peru. Focus

ha s

been

on the

individual charac te r is t ics

of the

th ree manusc r ip ts , with

most

at tent ion

paid only to the Nueva coránica. Th e r e f o r e , more

often

than not, the images were seen as tangential

to the s tudy of Murúa 's work, which wa s

often cast

in a lesser a nd sometimes in a dec idedly negat ive

light within

th e

history

of

And ean chronic les. John H owland Rowe,

an

eminent Ande an scholar, pro-

vides

an exce l lent example . Rowe was given

access

to Murúa 's Historia

general

in 1979, while it was

in Kra us's possession, before it reached the L udwig s' collection in Cologne. H e was commissioned

by

Kraus

to

wr i te

an

evaluat ion

of the

manuscr ip t , which t rave led with

it to

G e r ma ny

an d

then

to

Los

Angeles .

2 2

In i t , Rowe makes var ious acute remarks about the i l lus trat ions and even

identifies

some

of the

drawings

as

being

by

G uar nan Po ma. H o we ver ,

he

only

briefly refers to the

resul ts

of his

analysis

of the G etty M urúa 's images before he comes to the main p oint of his only published

essay

dedicated

to the

manusc r ip t . En t i t l e d

"La

mentira l i te rar ia

en la

obra

de

M ar t í n

de

M u r ú a " ( T h e

l i te rary l ie in the work of Mar t ín d e Murúa ) , i t pursues a ra ther d isparaging argum ent about M urúa

and his use of

inappropr iate sources , which R owe charac te r izes

as

"m entiras ,"

or lies.

23

One of the few scholars to unders tand the posi t ive value of bo th of Murúa 's manuscr ip ts has

been

Juan M. Ossio, one of the contr ibutors to this volume. An anthropologist by training, Ossio was

the f irst to

focus

on G uarnan Poma's manuscr ip t in te rms of how i t could be s tudied f rom an Andean

perspect ive.

24

T h is proved

to be a turning po int in the

inte rpre t ive approach

to that

impor tan t

m a n u -

script, as he stressed a

m o r e

hermene utical s tudy based upon the And ean s truc tures that inform

both

the historical narrati ve and the imag es. In 1968, two years before compl eting his thesis on G uarna n

Poma's

Nueva

coronica, Ossio was granted

access

to Murúa 's Historia

general,

while it was still in the

possession of the

D u k e

of

W e l l ing to n .

In

1985,

h e

published

a

small vo lume

of

co lor r eproduc t ions

o f

j us t th e th ir ty-e igh t images in the manuscr ip t , making them

m o r e

avai lable i n general , and in Peru

in par t ic ular , where B al les te ros 's ed i t ion ha d l imited c i rcu la t ion .

25

More impor tant , he announced

in 1982 that another manuscr ip t by Murúa had been offered for sale to the B ib l io teca Nac ional de l

Perú in

L i m a .

2 0

T h is vers ion was eventual ly so ld th rough a rare book deale r , W ar ren H owell o f John

H o w e l l B ooks in San Francisco, to John G alvin, the fathe r of the prese nt owner,

Sean

G alvin. Ossio 's

tireless efforts

and the current owner 's generosity have since resulted in the appearance of both an

extremely

faithful

facs imile

of the

G a lv in M ur úa

and a

companion v olume that c ontains Ossio's t ran-

scr iption and study of the

ma n u sc r i p t .

2 7

Without Ossio 's

efforts

over the pas t twenty years ,

both

of

Murúa 's manuscr ip ts would s t i l l be languish ing in obscur i ty .

While Ossio was pushing forward the p ublicat ion of the G alvin manuscr i p t , he and I began to

unite our

efforts,

so as to bring

both

of Murúa 's extant works into be t te r focus. I had f irst studied

the G e t ty manuscr ip t in 1991 with the idea of someday prod uc ing a facs imile . In

fall

2000, Ossio

was

invited

to the

Univers i ty

of

Chicago

to offer a

seminar

on

Murúa 's

tw o

manuscr ip ts .

A s a

result

of

th is event ,

we

dec ided that

it was an

oppor tune t ime

to

bring scholars

who

were wr i t ing about

G uar nan Po ma ' s

Nueva

coronica toge ther with scholars who were s tudying Murúa 's manuscr ip ts .

We knew, for examp le , that E lena Phipps had been a guest scholar a t the J . Paul G e t ty M useum,

A N D E R S O N A N D C U M M I N S


14/198

where she col laborated wi th Nancy T urner of the museum's Paper Conserva t ion Depar tment on

an

invest igation

of the

colorants

in the

G et ty Murua 's i l lust ra t ions. T hus, Ossio

and I

organized

th e

symposium "Peru in B lack and White and in Color: T he Uniq ue T exts and Images in the Colonial

Ande an Manuscr ip ts of Mar t ín de M u r ú a and G uar nan

Poma,"

which was held in Apr i l 2002 an d

sponsored by the

Center

fo r

Lat in Amer ican Studies

at the

Universi ty

of

Chicago

and the

Newber ry

Lib r a r y . Th e symposium was a ma rk ed success in many ways. F or example , Rolena Adorno, when

invited to part icipate, had responded that at the t ime she had nothing more she wanted to say on

G u a rn a n P oma and had never looked a t e i ther of Murua 's manuscr ip ts . H appi ly, she cont r ibuted not

only a paper coauthor ed with Ivan B oserup on the vir tua l edi t ion of G u a rn a n Poma's manuscript but

also a paper that introduce d the topic of censorship and self-censorship in the G etty Murú a. B oserup

presented his very f i rs t codicolog ica l work on the G et ty manuscr ip t , which he began in January 2002 ,

upon receiving our invitat ion to part icipate.

Since

then , both A dorno and B oserup have publ ished

numerous s tudies regarding Murua 's

w o r k .

2 8

T he

symposium also strengthened

th e

efforts

of

Ossio,

th e only scholar to have s tudied th e G a l vi n ma n u sc r ip t itself, to have it issued as a facsimile of the

highest quali ty,

a

goal that

he

achieved

in

2 0 0 4 .

29

T he

symposium l ikewise p rov ided

a

forum

fo r

Phipps and T urner to share their ini t ial results concerning the colorants used in the man uscrip t and

their relation

to the

colorants

of

Andean texti le

and for me to

furnish

an

overview

of the

images

in

the three manuscripts and the l inks among

t h e m .

30

T he papers p resented a t the symposium form the basis of th is volume. A dorno and B oserup

have ex tended thei r work

on the

codicology

of the

G e t t y M u r ú a ,

an d

their contribution al lows

us

to

bet ter understand

how the

G e t t y ma n u sc r ip t ca me

to be as it is,

tracing

it s

development f rom

it s

predecessors, especial ly

th e

G a lv in manuscr ip t . A dorno 's h is tor ica l

essay

concerning

the f inal

alterations

ma de to the Historia general offers a t ou r -de - fo r ce of in terpre ta t ion about th e lat ter stages

in the p roduct ion of a manuscr ip t in the early loóos in Spain. E qually compell ing is Ossio's essay

re la t ing the G et ty Murúa to both the G a lv in version and G uarnan Poma 's Nueva coránica. Phipps

and T urner have jo ined wi th K aren T rente lman of the G et ty Conserva tion Inst i tu te to p roduce an

innovative study

of the

i l lustrat ions that combines humanist ic

an d

scientific inquiry

in a

precise

an d

product ive m anner . My study prov ides another , a r t h is torica l perspect ive on the images in the G et ty

Murúa . Together , the essays in this volume provide one of the most complex and interdiscipl inary

studies of any i l lust ra ted manuscr ip t and a thorough an d original analysis of this part ic ular colonial

Ande an work .

Notes

1.

An ear lier version of this essay was delivered at the

World

Libr ar y

an d

Information ( I F L A ) conference

in

Buenos Aires,

22-27 Augus t 2004, and is posted at http://www.ifla.org/IV/

i f la7o/papers/o73e-Anderson.pdf (2 0

February 2007) .

2. T he Order of Our

Lady

of

Mer cy

wa s

founded

in

Bar ce -

lona in 1218 by Saint Peter Nolasco, i ts main function being to

rescue Chr is tian captives f rom th e Moors. Although th e o r de r

spread quickly to F r ance , Po r tug a l , an d G e r m a ny , in Mur ua 's

d ay it was

s trongest

in

Spain

an d

La t in A mer ica . Ov er

th e

cen-

tur ies , th e order's init ial impetus declined in import, and the

o rde r s eemed to lose its way a f te r th e conquest of the Moors

in Spain in 1492. In the 15605, in the af termath of the Council

of T rent, Philip I I of Spain perceived the order to be in need

of ser ious organizational and discip linary reform, and the Mer-

cedar ian leadership realized that

th e

o rde r

might

no t

survive

wi thout a c lea r iden t i ty . A cr i t ical component of the o r de r ' s

attempts at reform wa s investigation into its own history, as

E m i l y

Engel has

noted

in an

unp ubl i shed p ap e r ,

and she has

suggested that Murua's inspiration to wr i te a history of Pe r u

wa s

a

d i r ec t p r oduc t

of

this campaign, which produced other

histor ies as well , par ticular ly the Historia general de la Orden

de

Nuestra

Señora de la

Merced, Redención

de

Cautivos ,

by F r ay

Alonso R e m ó n , published

in

Madr id between 1618

and

1633,

and F r ay B e r nar do de Var g as ' s Chronica Sacri et Militaris Ordinis

Beatae

Mariae de

Mercede Redemptionis

Captivorum,

published in

Palermo, I taly, between 1619 an d 1622. Se e Tay lo r , Structures

o f

Reform; Eng e l , "S tep p ing in to Time," 10; and Ad orno, th is

vo lume , esp . 118-21.

3. Adorno and B oserup, th is

volume,

27, 29; and Adorno,

this

vo lume , 9 8,

116-18.

4. Identif ied as S[alamanca]3 in Adorno and Boserup, " G u a-

ma n

Poma," 164-65.

Se e

also Adorno, th is

volume,

101.

5 . The

nomenc la tu r e

is

puzzling.

The use of "highness"

(altera) for Philip and his wife is correct, and the t i t les "prince"

an d "pr incess" were normally limited to the f i rst son and heir

to the Spanish throne and his wife. B u t the heir apparent to

th e

Spanish throne

is

proper ly s tyled "pr ince

of

Astur ias ,"

no t

"pr ince of Spain."

6. Adorno argues that th e t ex t must have been f in ished by

1616 not only on the basis of an annotation identifying Francisco

de B o r j a y A r ag ón , p r inc ip e de E sq u i lache—who se r ved as v ice -

roy of Peru f rom 18 December 1615 to 31 December 1621—as

th e

most recent

an d

current v iceroy

bu t

also

on the

basis

of the

manuscr ip t ' s r ubr ica t ion ; se e A dor no , "L a censura," 40 , 48-49;

an d Adorno, th is volume, 9 8, 103.

7.

A ntonio , Bibliotheca

Hispana

Nova , 2:108-9. G umer s indo

Placer notes that Alonso d e Ro j as ment ioned Mur úa 's work in his

Catalogus

Scriptorium

(Toled o, 1617), 2:614-15,

as did

Pedr o

de San

Cecilio in his unpublished "De Scr iptor ibus" of 1618, although

ne i the r iden t i f i ed th e manuscr ip t 's location; se e Placer , "Fray

Mar t í n

de

Mur úa ,"

41 .

José

M .

Mansilla

ha s

observed cer tain

similar it ies in wording between Murúa's His toria general an d

T i r so de Molina's

His toria general de la orden de la

Merced (1637),

suggesting that Molina, who was the Mercedar ian Order's official

histor ian, used Murúa's f inal manuscr ip t; see Mansilla, "Martin

d e M u r ú a . " M y thank s to T h o m a s Cummins f or this reference.

I N T R O D U C T I O N

5

http://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdfhttp://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdfhttp://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdfhttp://www.ifla.org/IV/ifla70/papers/073e-Anderson.pdf


15/198

8.

E n t r a m b a s ag u a s , La biblioteca, i:xi-xv. A l though he

ma y have been officially a p p o i n t e d

consejero

(counselor) in

1631,

Ramirez 's associat ion with the Real y

Supremo

Consejo de Indias

is

a l ready documen ted in 1 628 , w hen he re ce ived paymen t f o r

his counsel

to the

k i n g ;

se e

H e r e d i a H e r r e r a , Catálogo, 5:1987

(nos.

737,

877).

9 . E n t r a m b a s a g u a s,

L a

biblioteca,

i:xi-xv,

xx x i i i . Cons tan t ino

B a y l e

knew of

Ramirez's

connec t ion w i th a manus c r ip t by

Murú a , bu t , w r i t ing be f ore

th e

red i s cove ry

of the

G e t t y m a n u-

s c r ip t and as suming on ly one such manus c r ip t , B ay le thought

tha t Rami rez ha d ow ned th e original of the Loyola copy ; se e

Ba y l e ,

" In t roducc ión , " 35 . T he G a lv in manus c r ip t w as neve r

re corded in the S a lamanca l ib ra ry , s o i t c annot have been tha t

mentioned

by An ton io a s hav ing be longed to Rami rez ; s e e

A d o r n o

an d

B os e rup , th is

volume, 7.

1 0 . Nava r ro , " Copia de l ind ic e , " f o l. 32r: " M ar t in de Muroa ,

Elector General del orden de Nuestra Señora de la Merced: H i s -

toria general de l Pirú; origen y descend encia de los Incas ."

11 .

G onzá lez de B a rc ia ' s b ib l iograph y w as a rev i sed and

expanded ed i t ion

of the f irs t

b ib l iography

o f the New World,

Epitome

de la biblioteca oriental i occidental, náutica i geográfica,

w r i t t e n by the Pe ruv ian h i s to r i an An ton io d e León P ine lo an d

pub l i s hed

in

1629. León Pinelo's next book,

Tratado

de

confir-

maciones

reales

de

encomiendas para

la s

Indias Occidentales,

was

pub l i s hed in 1 630 and ded ica t ed to Rami rez in a s t a t emen t da t ed

1628,

w hich m eans tha t León P ine lo i s l i ke ly to have know n the

la t t e r ' s co l l e c t ion by 1 628 . None the l e s s , ne i the r ed i t ion of León

Pine lo ' s b ib l iography inc ludes Rami rez

among th e

co l l e c tors

o f

w orks

on the

Amer i cas , ye t , be ing Pe ruv ian

by

b i r th , León

Pine lo w ou ld s u re ly have been in t e re s t ed

in

Rami rez ' s l i b ra ry

and especial ly in

Murua's

h i s to ry . H i s Aparato poli t ico of 1695

is

re corded in the S a lamanca inven tory of 1 782 ; s e e Nava r ro ,

" Copia de l ind ic e , " f o l . 2 r . E i the r León P ine lo and R ami rez on ly

met in

1628

and the

l a t t e r

did not

have access

to the former's

collec t ion in time f or the pub l i ca t ion of h i s b ib l iography or

Rami rez d id no t ow n Murua ' s manus c r ip t un t i l

a f t e r

1628. See

León P ine lo , Epitome, 2 :644 .

12 .

I t has of t en been repea ted tha t Muñoz cop ied the His-

toria

general, and that at his death, the copy was deposited

in

th e

A c a d e m i a

d e

H i s to r i a

in

M a d r i d

b ut

later los t . Adorno

an d

B os e rup have s ucc inc t ly de s c r ibed

th e

ev idence conce rn ing

Muñoz ' s cons u l t a t ion and have pe rs uas ive ly re f u ted the idea

tha t he eve r made a copy ; s e e Ad orno and B os e rup , " G ua rnan

Poma,"

116-20.

13. MS 1 8037, B ib l io t e ca Nac iona l , Mad r id . For a discus-

s ion of the manus c r ip t s t aken by We l l ing ton af ter the ba t t l e o f

Vi tor i a ,

see

H obs on , " Manus c r ip t s , "

485-97.

1 4 . Manue l B a l l e s te ros G a ib ro i s , the G e t ty Murua ' s f i r st

ed i to r , men t ioned

th e

seal

in his

in t roduc t ion

to the f irs t

p u b -

l i s hed t rans c r ip t ion ;

se e

Ba l l e s t e ros G a ib ro i s , " In t roducc ión"

(1962), xxvii.

15 . We l l ing ton , "Prólogo," xvi-xix.

1 6 . Robe r t s on , History .

17 .

We l l ing ton , "Prólogo," x i x .

18 .

In the f ou r - vo lume ca ta log of the co l l e c t ion , Murua ' s

Historia general appea rs among the h i s to ry manus c r ip t s ; s e e von

E uw

r

,

" X I I I 1 6 M a r t i n d e M u r ú a . "

19 .

M u r ú a , Historia general (1962-64) . See also the two

rev i s ed ed i t ions : Murú a , Historia general (1986) ; and Murúa,

Historia

general ( 2 0 0 1 )—ne i t h e r of which reproduces any of the

i l lu s t ra t ions .

20 . La s armas reales de los yugas reyes

(Royal

coa t

of

a rms

of

the Inca k ings )

(folio

i3 r ) w as not reproduced .

21 .

For example , Adorno ' s Guarnan Poma: Writ ing an d

Resistance and López- B a ra l t ' s Icono y conquista bo th exp lore

ex tens ive ly

th e

d raw ings

of

G u a r n an P o m a

b ut

ignore the i r

re l a t ion

to

Murua ' s images

in the

G e t t y m a n u s c r i p t— A d o r n o

en t i re ly ,

w hi l e

L ó p e z - B a r a lt

re l ega te s

th e

G e t t y M u r u a 's i m a g e s

to a f oo tnote ( the images f rom the G a lv in manus c r ip t became

avai lab le

only a f t e r the s e w orks w e re pub l i s hed ) .

22 . Dated 1979 and enti t led "Martín de Murua's M a n u -

s c r ip t s on Inca H i s to ry and Cu l tu re , " John Row e ' s eva lua t ion

accompan ied th e manus c r ip t f rom th e Ludw igs ' co l l e c t ion to

the G e t ty Mus eum, w he re I r e ad i t in 19 9 3. A t

some

po in t ,

Row e ' s o r ig ina l types c r ip t w as los t , bu t a copy acqu i red by

Adorno f rom Row e 's

wife,

Pa t r i c i a Lyon , has now jo ined the

G e t t y M u s eu m ' s c u r a t o r i a l

f i le . Rowe 's

essay

is the

bas is

for von

E u w ' s " X I I I 1 6 Mar t ín de Murúa."

23 . J.

R o w e ,

"L a

men t i ra l i t e ra r i a , "

753-61.

24 .

See Ossio, "The Idea of

History";

Os sio , " G ua rnan Pom a:

Nueva coron ica" ; and Os s io , " Myth and History."

25 .

Oss io, L os

re tratos.

In 1968, the manuscript was at S t r a t -

f ie ld

Saye,

th e

home

of the Dukes of We l l ing ton , nea r Read ing .

26 .

Ossio, "Una nueva vers ión."

27 . Oss io's vis ion was to make ava i l ab le a s exped i t ious ly a s

pos s ib le a h igh- qua l i ty f ac s imi l e of the G a lv in Murú a , s o tha t

scholars

cou ld beg in c los e s tudy of th i s impor tan t and re la t ive ly

inaccessible work,

previously

known only through

the flawed

Loyola copy of 1890. This unself ish ness on Ossio's part extend ed

to p rov id ing a t rans c r ip t ion of the G a lv in manus c r ip t to

accompany the f ac s imi l e , even

though,

by necess i ty , i t had to be

a s omew ha t hu r r i ed and thus impe r f e c t ven tu r e . Unf o r tuna te ly ,

the t rans c r ip t ion ' s impe r f e c t ions have a l low ed f or ungene rous

c r i t i c i s ms .

28 .

S ee , f o r example , Adorno , " La c ens u ra" ; Adorno ,

" E s tud ios os " ; B os e rup ,

"Quelques

obs e rva t ions " ;

an d

A d o r n o

an d

B o s e r up , " G u a r n a n Poma."

29. T his facs imile is the bas is for al l s tudies of the G alvin

Murú a , excep t f o r thos e by Os s io .

30 . A lso p re s en ted a t the s ympos ium w as

w

r

or k

by José Cár-

denas

(Ya l e

U n i v e r s i t y ) , R a q u e l C h a n g - R o d r i g u e z ( T h e G r a d u a t e

Cen te r and T he Ci ty Col l ege of the Ci ty Un ive rs i ty of New

Y o r k ) , Va le r i e F ras e r ( Un ive rs i ty of E s s ex) , Ca r los Gonzá lez Var -

ga s (Pont i f ic ia

Un ive rs idad Ca tó l i c a

d e

Chi l e ) , B ruce Mannhe im

( Un ive rs i ty of Michigan ) , Hugo Rosati Aguerre (Pontif ic ia Uni-

ve rs idad

Ca tó l i c a

d e

Chi l e ) , F ranc i s co S ánchez Cabe l lo

(Pont i f ic ia

Unive rs idad Ca tó l i c a de Chi le ) , and R . T om Zuidema ( U n i v e r -

si ty of Il l inois a t U r b a n a - C h a m p a i g n ) .

A N D E R S O N

A N D

C U M M I N S

6


16/198

ROLEN

DORNO ND I V N BOSERUP

The

Making

of

Murúa's

Historia

General del Piru

F R A Y

M A R T Í N D E M U R Ú A ' S his tory of the Inca o f Peru exists in two manuscr ip t vers ions .

1

T hey cov e r

approximately the same subject mat ter , each provid ing an account of the r ise and fall, governance,

and religion of the Inca empire and a survey of the ancient Inca and colonial Spanish cities and the

mines of the Viceroyal ty of P e r u .

2

H e re , we examine the two manuscr ip ts (G alv in a nd G e t ty ) in tan-

dem because it is impossible to und e rs t and the m ak ing of the la ter one without scru t in iz ing the m a k -

ing , unmaking , and rem aking of i ts p rede cessor . The G alv in manuscr ip t is the ear l ier and shor ter of

the two, approximately half the length of the G e t ty v e r s ion .

3

The G a lv i n, in its most complete s ta te ,

was i l lus t ra ted throughout wi th 128 to 130 hand-colore d d rawings , of which 117 are e x tant , whi le only

the f i rs t f if th of the G et ty M urúa includ es i l lust ra t ions, of which 34 are or ig inal to the manuscr ip t and

4

were incorpora ted f rom elsewhere .

T he ex is tence of the G alv in manuscr ip t was announced by the Spanish his tor ian Marcos J imé-

nez de la

E s p a d a ,

w ho

d iscovered

it in

1879

*

n

t he

Spanish Jesuit ex ile house

in

Poyanne, F rance;

he

ident i f ied it

with

a manuscript described in 1739 by the Jesuit Miguel Venegas as being housed at the

Coleg io de la Com pañía de Jesús in Alca lá de H enares ,

Spain .

4

Unt i l rece nt ly , due to i ts d isappearance

in 1900 or thereabouts , the G alv in vers ion has been avai lab le to scholars only through a defec t ive ,

handwri t ten copy executed in 1890, subsequent to the r e tu rn of the Society o f Jesus t o Spain and the

reset t lement of its a rchive a t i ts p r incipa l house, in Loyola , G uipúzcoa. T his copy is referre d to as

the "Loyola copy," or somet imes , confusingly, as the "Loyola manuscr ip t , " and it has been th e basis

of

th e

four

more or less complete ed i t ions of the G alv in vers ion of Murua's his tory publ ished dur ing

the f i rst ha l f of the twent ie th cen tury .

5

In the

19505,

the G alv in manuscr ip t was offered for sale to the

nat ional l ib rary of Spain and to tha t of Peru , but i t was eventual ly purchased by a manuscr ip t dea ler

in San Francisco and then acquired by the fa ther of i ts current owner , Sean G alv in of County Me ath,

Ireland.

6

Af t e r years

of

searching , Juan M. Ossio located

th e

m anus c r ip t

in

1996,

and as a

result

of

his ini t ia tive and und er his guidance, a facs imile ed i t ion , the

Códice

Murúa, was publ ished in 2004 .

7

Ossio's companion volume to the

facsimile

provides the first publ ished t ranscr ip t ion of the G a lv i n

vers ion of Murua's history to be based on the manuscr ip t i t se l f .

8

The G e t ty m anus c r ip t was ment ioned in 1672 by the p ioneer ing Spanish b ib l iographer Nicolás

Antonio as having been in the possession of the Castil ian statesman and bibliophile Lorenzo Ramirez

d e P rad o .

Af t er

Ramirez's death in 1658, i t came into the library of the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca

in Salamanca, where in 1782, i t was consulted and briefly described by the Spanish historian and

fo unde r of the Arch ivo G enera l de Ind ias , Juan B aut is ta Muñoz, in his unpubl ished survey of sources

on Spain 's his tory in America .

9

L ik e the G a lv in m anus c r ip t , the G e t ty Murú a

fell

out of the reach

of scholars

less

than twenty years

af ter

its redisc over y, and it rem ained inaccessible for the next 150

years : i t was incorpora ted in to the pr iva te l ib rary of the Spanish k ing in 1802 and then ,

af ter

th e

bat t le

of

Vi tor ia

in

1813, into that

of

A r thu r W el l es ley ,

ist

D u k e

of

W el l ing ton,

and his

successors.

10

T he G et ty manuscr ip t was red iscovered in the ear ly

19505

by Manuel B a l lesteros G aibrois , who

publ ished a two-volume ed i t ion in 1962 and 1964. The manuscr ip t became genera l ly access ib le to

scholars after 1983, when i t was acquired by the J. Paul G et ty Museum in Los Angeles .

In thei r making and unm ak ing , the two manuscr ip ts share cer ta in procedures . Both are

calli-

g rap hed

fair

copies of now los t p redecessors . They were produced not by Mur úa himself but by scribes

working under his superv is ion: one for the G alv in , and two others , many years la ter , for the G et ty .


17/198

F I G .

i.

Title page ,

wr i t t en in

Murúa's hand

on a

rep lacement folio. From Mar t ín

de M u r ú a ,

Historia de l

origen,

y genealogía

real

de

lo s

reyes

ingas de l Piru, 1590, G a l v in

MS ,

recto

of first folio. Private col lect ion

Both of these fair copies were subsequently reworked by the author himself, and yet another scribe was

involved when the Galvin manuscript was dismantled and reconstructed. Today both the Galvin and

the Getty manuscripts appear as having been transformed, albeit to

d i f fe r ing

degrees, from clean and

completed manuscripts to works in progress. Thus, in 1946, Constantino Bayle questioned whether

the Galvin manuscript—which Bayle knew only through the Loyola c o p y — s h ou l d seriously be con-

sidered

a finished

manuscript,

as

implied

by its

title page,

11

which gives

the

title

as

Historia de l origen,

y genealogía

real

de los

reyes

ingas

de l

Piru.

D e

s us

hechos,

costumbres,

trajes, y

manera

de

gouierno

(History

of the origin and royal genealogy of the Inca kings of Peru, of their deeds, customs, clothing, and man-

ner of governing) and lists its time of completion as around May 1590 (fig.

i).

The Galvin manuscript

i t se l f—as reproduced in facsimile in 2 0 0 4 — h a s confirmed the soundness of Bayle's skepticism: it had

been ready for the

printer

at some point in time, but it did not remain so. Illustrations, additions to

the text, including quotations from further readings, and notes of many kinds were added to the fair

copy, which would soon be abandoned as a manuscript intended for publication. It was then partly

dismantled and later reassembled, albeit incompletely, by Murúa or under his supervision.

12

The Getty manuscript also underwent important changes

a f te r

its initial completion. These

modifications were

of a d i f f e rent

kind than those a f fe c t ing

the

Galvin, however. They were introduced

in Madrid by Fray Alonso

Remón,

who reviewed

Murúa's

manuscript for the Mercedarian Order, and

A D O R N O A N D B O S E R U P

8


18/198

F I G . 2. Relationships

among

the manuscripts of Murúa's history of Peru, thei r i l lust ra tors, and G uarnan

Poma's

Nueva coronica

by the royal censor of the Consejo Real de Casti l la (Royal council of Casti le), as part of the process of

rece iving permission

for i ts

p ub l i ca t i o n.

1 3

T he

roya l author iza t ion

to

p r in t

th e

ma nusc r i p t

was

granted

in 1616, af ter the rec to of every folio of the G e t ty manuscr ipt was rubr ica ted by the roya l nota ry , o r

escribano

de cámara (c le rk

of the

k ing 's ch a mbe r ) , G e rón imo N úñez

de

León (see

p. 99, fig.

3) .

14

T he

G et ty manuscr ipt ne ver the less remained unp ubl ished for near ly three and a ha l f centur ies .

1 5

W e

co n jec tu r e t h a t

at

least

tw o

addi t iona l vers ions

of

M u r u a 's history (one prior

to the

G a lv i n,

one be tween th e G a lv i n and the G e t ty ) must have exis ted in manuscr ipt form. Most of the G a lv i n

manuscr ipt was probably copied (wi th only smal l changes) f rom a lost , shor te r vers ion submit ted

to the native lords (curaca) of Cuzco in 1590 or 1591 for their endorsement. We have called this lost

ma nusc r i p t

th e

"Cuzco" vers ion.

1 0

A t

least

one

lost manuscr ipt

can be

posi ted be tween

th e

G a lv i n

an d

th e

G e t t y , beca use

th e

extant vers ions differ

so

much f rom each o ther tha t

the two

scribes

who

ca l l igraphed

the

G e t t y ma nusc r i p t mus t h a ve

had

before

them

a

wr i t ten model tha t

in

s t ruc tu r e ,

content , and wording was much c loser to the G e t ty t h an to the G a lv i n in its latest an d most comple te

fo rm . W e h a ve summa r i z ed the lost inte rmedia ry (o r intermedia r ies) be tween th e G a lv i n and the

G e t ty by th e l e t te r X .

Th us , w e ca n iden t i fy the major editorial steps leading from the earl iest , lost Cuzco version to

the f ina l , extant G e t ty vers ion as i t appears today ( f ig . 2) . Mu rúa comp osed, res t ruc ture d , e xpand ed,

an d

rewrote

h is

history over

a

per iod tha t s t re tched f rom before

M ay

1590 (the da te

on the

current

t i t l e page of the G a lvin manusc r ipt ) th roug h au tum n 1615 ( the da te when M erced ar ian author i ties in

Madrid approved the G et ty manuscr ip t for publ ica t ion) . Or igina l ly devis ing h is pro jec t as a work in

three par ts fo l lowed by the Andean legend

(ficción)

of the shepherd Ac oi tapra and the

ñusta

(pr incess)

Chuqui l lanto ,

1 7

M urúa e xpand ed the Cuzco version wi th a four th par t , to which he la te r added a one-

page pro logue (copies of both e leme nts a re inc luded in the G a lvin manuscr ip t ) . In the G e t ty vers ion,

Mu rúa rev er ted to a t r ipa r t i te d ivis ion of h is now vast reper tory of h is tor ica l and e thnographic mate-

rials related

to

Inca

an d

S panish rule

in the

Andes . ( T heAcc i ón beca me

a

ch a p t e r

in

book i.)

T wo main l ines of evolution can be observed in

M u r ú a ' s

conceptua l iza t ion of h is work. F i rs t ,

th e

mater ia ls co l lec ted ( inc luding those taken f rom other authors) gradua l ly become more c lea r ly

classified as

either

e thnographic or h is tor iographie informat ion. Al though thoroughly rest ruc tured

an d

rewri t ten, Murua ' s e thnographic informat ion

o n

Inca governance , notable events ,

and prac t ices

1 8

and on And ean and Spanish c i ties remained qui te s table dur ing the successive t ransformat ions of h is

work. Second, and in cont rast , the h is tor ica l nar ra t iv e unde rwent fund ame nta l changes. H is t rea t -

ment

of the

Inca

e ra

evolved f rom

a

series

of

themat ic sweeps through Inca h is tory (book

i of the

G alvin manuscr ip t d ea ls wi th the kings [inca] and the queens [coya], book 2 wi th capta ins and nobles ,

book

3

wi th g overnance ,

an d

book

4

wi th c i t ies

a nd

resource s) into

th e

crea t ion

of a

single, integrated

M A K I N G O F M U R U A S H I S T O R I A G E N E R A L

9


19/198

F I G .

3.

Letter

of

recommendation

(15 May

1596)

cal l igraphed by

G alvin Scribe

i and the

t i tle

in

M urua s hand

for the

expanded,

post-1598 G alvin manuscript, on the recto of a folio originally in the G alvin Mur úa ( for verso, see fig . 5) . F rom Mar t ín de M u r ú a ,

Historia general de l Piru 1616, M s. Ludwig X I I I 16 (83 .MP. i59) ,

fol

307v. Los Angeles, J. P au l G e t ty Museum

10

A D O R N O A N D B O S E R U P


20/198

account that progresses in chronological sequence. For the Getty manuscript, Murúa

also

greatly

expanded his account and commentary on the Spanish conquest and colonial times, including a mod-

est

description

of

Mercedarian missionary activity.

The successive transformations of the main title of

Murua's

work confirm that its author con-

ceived it in an ever more grand and comprehensive manner. The title extant in the Galvin manuscript

(see

fig.

i)

is expanded, on a

folio

from the Galvin version later recycled in the Getty manuscript, to

Ystoria general e libro del origen y descendencia de los yucas señores deste reyno obscidental de l Piru (General

history and book on the origin and lineage of the Inca lords of this western kingdom of Peru) (fig. 3)

and f inal ly becomes, in the Getty version, nothing less than Historia general

d e l

Piru (General history

of

Peru) (see

p. 96, fig.

i).

With both

extant Murúa manuscripts finally accessible, in original or facsimile, they may now

be juxtaposed for their

d i f fe rences ,

such as those just mentioned, but also and

more

importantly for

continuities.

We can now

determine whether there

are

procedures

of

composition

and

emendation

that they share and inquire into how and when the making of one reveals

s ignif icant

aspects of the

construction of the other. Our aim in this

essay

is to understand such processes and to establish a

framework

for interpreting the material and conceptual evolution of

Murua's

history of Peru that

is

based on the documents themselves. To this end, we

will

examine the codicological evidence

available

in the Galvin and Getty manuscripts and also consider the role in

Murua's

work of Felipe

Guarnan Poma

de A y a la , th e

indigenous Andean artist

an d

author

of E l primer nueva

coronica

i buen

gobierno

(1615; The first new chronicle and good government).

The obvious point of departure for such an investigation is the path-breaking analysis of the

relation between the Galvin and Getty manuscripts carried out in 1979 by the distinguished Andeanist

John

Howland Rowe. Since 1958 or earl ier, he had at his disposition at least some parts of a photo-

graphic copy

of the

Getty manuscript,

19

and he had the

occasion, twenty years later,

to make two

crucia l discoveries. First, he ascertained that four of the

folios

pasted into the Getty manuscript, each

with a

fu l l -page ,

hand-colored drawing (one by an unidentified artist, three subsequently attributed

to

Guarnan Poma), once belonged

to the

Galvin manuscript. Second,

he

realized that

in his

edition

of

the Getty manuscript, Ballesteros had misrepresented the Galvin manuscript (then known only

through the Loyola copy) as "an early copy" of the Getty manuscript or "one based on Murua's pre-

liminary

notes."

20

On the

contrary, Rowe argued,

the

original

on

which

the

Loyola copy

was

based

was a complete and coherent earlier version of the

Historia

general and was illustrated by at least two

d i f fe ren t a r t i s t s .

2 1

Now, some twenty-five years later, the recently published

f acs imile

of the Galvin manuscript

makes

it

possible

to

reassess

a

number

of

earlier hypotheses

on

four major fronts:

the

relationship

between the Galvin and Getty manuscripts of

Murúa's

work; the extent of Guarnan Poma's contri-

bution to Murúa's work; the relationship between the Galvin version and Guarnan Poma's

Nueva

coronica;

and, in general terms, the relationship between Murúa and Guarnan Poma. All these issues

have long been the object of unverified commonplaces because scholars could not test

them

against

the manuscripts themselves. With the Galvin and Getty manuscripts to hand, it is possible to conduct

an inquiry based on evidence rather than speculation. In undertaking this study, we are aware of the

importance of

taking

into

account each

manuscript's

physical characteristics

as well as its

contents

both in pictures and in prose. There is an implicit danger in considering one dimension of these manu-

scripts to the exclusion of the others, for none alone can tell the whole story. The first instance of this

integrated approach

follows,

in our consideration o f folio 307 of the Getty Murúa (see f igs . 3 , 5) , a folio

that is at the center of all considerations of the relation between the Galvin and Getty manuscripts.

i.

Authenticity of the Letter by the Nat ive Lords

and the

Da te

of the G a lv in Manuscr ip t

A s already noted, four

folios

were moved from the Galvin to the Getty manuscript so that the draw-

ing on the verso of each Galvin

folio

could serve as an illustration in its new setting. The prose text

on the recto of each Galvin

folio,

having no relation to the drawing or the narrative of the Getty

manuscript,

was

canceled with

a few pen

strokes.

It had

been

Murua's

intention that these

folios be

pasted onto blank pages

in the

Getty manuscript

to

serve

as

illustrations

to

chapters

38 (folio

79),

41

(folio 84), and 43

(folio

89) of book i and to the title page of book 3

(folio

307). Eventually, however,

M A K I N G O F M U R U A ' S HISTORIA GENERAL

11


21/198

they were inser ted as separate

folios,

tipped to an

adjacent folio

at the gutter , such that they followed

the existing blank verso rather than being pasted down on it. In consequence of this technical error ,

whereby versos intended to remain versos became rectos, and rectos that should have been obscured

became visible versos, th e la t ter had to be pasted over wi th additional blank folios. In 1979, th e anti-

quar ian H . P .

Kraus,

probably ac t ing on Rowe 's advice , had the pas ted-over b lank folios soaked

off

while the manuscript was in his possession. Rowe readily

identif ied

the texts thus revealed as belong-

ing to the G a lv in manusc r ip t .

The obscured recto of one of these folios, G e t t y folio 30/v , contains two short texts inscribed by

di f fe rent

hands (see f ig. 3) . The text at the top is a copy of a letter commending Murua's history; the

o ther is the t i t le quoted above . T oday, one can easily

identify

th e hands, r espec t ive ly , a s G alvin Scr ibe

i

an d

Mur�

Documents

Historia General Del Perú - Martín de Murúa