Yoreme cocoon leg rattles: An eco-organological perspectivesobrevivir en la vegetación costera sinaloense. Sus capullos, rellenados con piedrecitas y ensartados, han sido utilizados

EstaobraestásujetaalalicenciadeReconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada4.0EspañadeCreativeCommons.Puedecopiarla,distribuirlaycomunicarlapúblicamentesiemprequecitesuautorylarevistaquelopublica(TRANS-RevistaTransculturaldeMúsica),agregandoladirecciónURLy/ounenlaceaestesitio:www.sibetrans.com/trans. No la utilice para fines comerciales y no haga con ella obra derivada. La licencia completa se puede consultar enhttp://creativecommons.org/choose/?lang=es_ESThiswork is licensedunderaCreativeCommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International license.Youcancopy,distribute,andtransmit thework, provided that youmention the author and the source of thematerial, either by adding the URL address of the article and/or a link to the web page:www.sibetrans.com/trans.Itisnotallowedtousetheworkforcommercialpurposesandyoumaynotalter,transform,orbuilduponthiswork.Youcancheckthecompletelicenseagreementinthefollowinglink:http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

TRANS20(2016)DOSSIER:INDIGENOUSMUSICALPRACTICESANDPOLITICSINLATINAMERICAYoremecocoonlegrattles:Aneco-organologicalperspectiveHelenaSimonett(LucerneUniversityofAppliedSciencesandArts)

ResumenAl igual que en otros países desarrollados, la tecnología de larevoluciónverdeenMéxicoestábasadaengranmedidaenelusode fertilizantes, herbicidas y pesticidas para aumentar elrendimiento de los cultivos. Sin embargo, los contaminantesagrícolas afectan negativamente al ecosistema, un sistemaque hasidolabasedelavidacotidianaydelacosmologíaindígenadurantemilenios.LavidaculturaldelosYoreme,ungrupodeindígenasdelnoroeste deMéxico, está integrada en una cosmovisión ecológicaque choca con la realidad económica de una industria agrícolaorientadaalaexportación,lacual,almismotiempo,eslabasedesupropia subsistencia. El foco de este artículo es lamariposa cuatroespejos,unamariposanocturnagigante,quehaevolucionadoparasobrevivir en la vegetación costera sinaloense. Sus capullos,rellenados con piedrecitas y ensartados, han sido utilizados enceremonias, muy probablemente desde la antigüedad, comoinstrumentos que se usaban en ritos de fertilidad agrícola. LosYoreme de hoy se ven confrontados con cuestiones de cómonegociar su identidad cultural frente a una invasión y expansiónagrícola que no solo pone en peligro lamariposa cuatro espejos,sinotambiénlavidadesushijos.

AbstractLikeelsewhere inthedevelopingworld,Mexico’sGreenRevolutiontechnology has relied heavily on the use of fertilizers, herbicides,andpesticidesfor increasingcropyields.Yet,agriculturalpollutantsnegativelyaffectthefunctioningoftheecosystem—asystemthathas been the basis of indigenous lifeways and cosmology formillennia. Yoreme cultural life is embedded in an ecologicalworldview that clashes with the economic reality of an export-oriented agricultural industry that sustains their livelihood. Thispaper focuses on the cocoons (ténabarim) of themariposa cuatroespejos, a giant silkmoth, thathasevolved to survive in the thornscrubcoveredfoothillsofSinaloa’snortherncoastalplain.Filledwithpebblesandstringedtogether,ténabarimhaveservedaslegrattlesin ceremonies — most likely since ancient times as rattlinginstruments were used throughout Mesoamerica in agriculturalfertility rites. Yoreme todayare facedwith thequestionofhow tonegotiate their cultural identity in the face of an ever-acceleratingagricultural encroachment and expansion that not only endangersthemariposacuatroespejosbutalsothelivesoftheirchildren.

PalabrasclaveEcomusicología, Ecosistema, Organología, Instrumento Musical,Ténabari(capullodemariposa),Rothschildiacincta(mariposacuatroespejos),Derrotaambiental,Yoreme,NoroestedeMéxico.

KeywordsEcomusicology, Ecosystem, Organology, Musical Instrument, LegRattles,Ténabari(Cocoon),SilkMoths(Rothschildiacincta;mariposacuatro espejos), Environmental Degradation, Yoreme People,NorthwestMexico.

Fechaderecepción:octubre2015Fechadeaceptación:mayo2016Fechadepublicación:diciembre2016

Received:October2015AcceptanceDate:May2016ReleaseDate:December2016

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Yoremecocoonlegrattles:Aneco-organologicalperspectiveHelenaSimonett(LucerneUniversityofAppliedSciencesandArts)

Seeguayoleme,juiyaania’apoemjuatósimlátaca

salilitijécaemjo’ohua.

Cantodevenado(SaturninoValenzuela)1

Swayinginthelightseabreeze,attachedtothedrytwigofthesangrengadotreebysilkenstrandshangsthefragilewhitecocoon(ténabari)ofthemariposacuatroespejos,agiantsilkmoth,thathasevolvedtosurviveinthethornscrubcoveredfoothillsofSinaloa’snortherncoastalplain.Thecocoon,ameshworkofsilkenthreads,hasbeenspunbythelarvaafterfeedingonthefoliageuntilgettingplumpandreadyforthefinalstageinitscycleoflife.Protectedinitssilkenchamber,overthe course of half a year, the larval body has been rebuilt into that of the adult insect. Itsmetamorphosiscompleted,themariposaemergedonalateafternoontowardtheendofthedryseasonandtookto thewing.Havingserved itspurpose for the insect, thedesertedcocoonwillnowfulfillitsobligationintheYoremeceremony.

The Yoreme are one of Mexico’s many ethnic groups.2 Jesuit missionaries, who firstinteracted with the native peoples in this remote frontier region of the Spanish Empire, hadgroupedthemtogetherwiththeCáhita-speakingpeople.3Erroneouslycalled“Cáhita”—literallymeaning“nothing”inYoremeaswellasinYaquilanguage—andthen“Mayo,”accordingtotheirlocationontheriverbanks(mayóa),theyprefercallingthemselvesYoreme,derivedfromtheverbyore,whichmeans“theonetobeborn.”4

Thevast territoryofwhat is todaynorthwestMexicowaspopulatedbyhunter-gatherersan estimated 30,000 to 15,000 years before the present. The fertile soil of the alluvial plains,formedbythedepositionofsedimentfromtheperiodicfloodingoftheriversrunningdownfromthe Sierra Madre Occidental toward the Gulf of California, attracted early human settlementdedicated to horticulture. Contacts with Mesoamerican civilizations and migratory movementsbroughtaboutan“agriculturalrevolution”thatchangedpeoples’wayoflifeas“villagecultivatorsacquired the accouterments of sedentary life” (Radding 1997: 26). Riverine peoples relied onraisingmaize,beans,andsquashinthefloodplains,buttraditionalpatternsofseasonalmovementrelated to hunting and gathering practices remained.5 A millennium later, these same routes 1Deer songbySaturninoValenzuela (inSpanishandEnglish translation):Flornativa,dejaste tu casita/ ladejaste colgandoenunarbolito / yelvientolaestásonando.Nativeflower,youleftyourlittlehouse/youleftitdanglingfromthelittletree/andthewindmadeitsound.2Accordingtothe2010censusoftheNationalInstituteforStatisticsandGeography,inthestatesofSinaloaandSonora,39,051peopleolderthanfivespeakMayo(Yoreme)astheirprimarylanguage;thatconstitutes0.6%ofthe6.7millionNative-languagespeakersnationally.Incomparison,Náhuatlisspokenby1.5millionpeopleor23%(INEGI2011a:20;2011b:23).3 Speakingeighteen closely relateddialects thatbelong to theUto-Aztecan language family, the so-calledCáhitapeoplesof Sinaloa and Sonoranumberedabout115,000atthetimeoftheencounter(1533).TheyinhabitedthecoastalareaofnorthwesternMexicoalongtheSinaloa,Fuerte,Mayo,andYaquirivers.4BernardoEsquerLópez,pers.com.2009.MoctezumaZamarrón(2001:41)translatesthetermyoremeas“lagente”(“thepeople”).AdiscussionofYaquiself-designationas“Yoeme”canbefoundinShorter(2009:5-6).5ArchaeologicalevidenceforthetransitionfromhuntingandgatheringtoagriculturalfoodproductioninWestMexicohasbeenpublishedinBenz(2002).

Yoremecocoonlegrattles:Aneco-organologicalperspective 3

linkingMesoamericaandtheGreatBasinofwesternNorthAmerica,encompassingnumerousUto-Aztecan speechcommunities in the region,broughtSpanishexplorersandmissionaries into thelandandlifeoftheYoreme’sancestors.EarlySinaloa’slinguafrancawasviolence(Folsom2014).Ensuing cultural, social, political, and economic clashes loomed throughout the colonial period(Radding 1997), post-independence (Voss 1982), and the twentieth century. One of the mostcontentious issues was the economic development of the fertile Yaqui-Mayo valleys that liebetweenthemountain-skirtsofthesierraandtheshoresofthegulf.OccasionalIndianuprisingsandattacksontheencroachingsettlersintheSonoraandSinaloaprovincesandthefinaldefeatoftheYaquiin1929bytheMexicanarmybespeakthehighlyasymmetricalrelationsofpower.Manyofthecharacteristicsofthis“contactzone”(Pratt1992)perpetuatetoday.

In this century, the Yoreme will be additionally challenged by the question of how tonegotiatetheirculturalidentityinthefaceofanever-acceleratingagriculturalencroachmentandexpansion, unsustainable agribusiness practices and environmental policies that furtherimpoverishtheircommunities,andanenvironmentaldegradationthatendangerstheirverylivesaswellasthelivesofotherbeingsthatinhabittheregion.Indeed,theNorthAmericanFreeTradeAgreement(NAFTA),signedbyneoliberalpoliticiansinthebelieftostimulateMexico’seconomy,hashigh costs inunintendedconsequences for theenvironment,people’swayof life, and localsovereignty. A report released on the twentieth anniversary ofNAFTA (2014) draws a damningpicture.6 The increase in Sinaloa’s export-oriented agriculture, relying heavily on fertilizers,herbicides, pesticides, high-yield crops, irrigation water, and cheap labor, has enrichedmultinational corporations at the expense of small subsistence farmers. The intensifiedagriculturalproductionattracts thousandsof seasonal laborers fromotherpartsofMexicowhojoin the local work force, many of whom are drafted from indigenous communities.7Environmental degradation affects the social, economic, and cultural life of local communities,eventuallyresultingingreaterviolence,criminality,andalackofopportunities(AlfieCohen2011:95-96).

“Deforestation,landdegradation,watershortageandcontamination,airpollutionandtheloss of biodiversity are some of the many environmental problems we face today in bothdeveloped and developing countries” (Duraiappah 1996: 3). One of these losses in Sinaloa’sbiodiversitymight very likely be theRothschildia cincta silkmoth, once endemic in the region.Yoremeblamethewaningnumbersofthisgiant insectontheagriculturalpollutantsandontheoverharvesting by (mainly mestizo) artisans who have created a lucrative market niche fortraditionallegrattlesmadeofcocoons.TheincreasedscarcityofthisprecioussilkcasewillhaveadevastatingeffectonYoremeceremoniesforwhichthesoundoftheténabarim,bothacousticallyandsymbolically,isvital.

Materials are a fundamental primary resource necessary for cultural production.Organology(asanacademicdiscipline)haslongrecognizedtheprimeimportanceofthematerialofwhichmusical instruments aremade and tended to view themas artifacts.Devisedby ErichMoritzvonHornbostelandCurtSachsattheturnofthetwentiethcentury,theHornbostel-Sachs

6NAFTA:20YearsofCoststoCommunitiesandtheEnvironment,https://content.sierraclub.org/creative-archive/report/2014/03/nafta-20-years-costs-communities(accessedMay1,2015).ThereportwasreleasedinMarch2014bytheSierraClub,thelargestandmostinfluentialgrassrootsenvironmentalorganizationintheUnitedStateswithmorethan2.4millionmembers and supporters nationwide, summarizesmore than 100 nonprofit, government and scholarly studies of NAFTA. The evidencedocumentedinthisreportdemonstratesthatNAFTAhasreducedtheabilityofgovernmentstorespondtoenvironmentalissueswhileempoweringmultinationalcorporationstochallengeenvironmentalpolicies.7Alargeshareoftheproductsharvestedbythehighlytechnified,Mexicanandforeign-owned,agribusinessesthatthriveonSinaloa’sirrigatedlandare exported to the United States: see Los Angeles Times reporter Richard Marosi’s four-part story on “Product of Mexico,”http://graphics.latimes.com/product-of-mexico-camps(accessedJune15,2015).

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system is stillwidely accepted as theonly cross-cultural system for the classificationofmusicalinstruments.Basedonthesoundingmaterialandthemethodwithwhich instrumentsarebeingplayed, thisnumericsystem issupposedly freeofculturalor linguisticbias.Accordingly,Yoremeleg rattles belong to the family of percussion instruments (idiophones), more precisely, struckidiophones: “A formal sub-classification of idiophones that are comprised of an object thatproducessoundbyshakingorrattlingsmallparticlescontainedwithinthe instrumentorobjectsthatjingle.Primarilyrattles,theseinstrumentshavenodiscerniblepitchandaretypicallyusedforrhythmicinterest.”8Tobeevenmoreprecise,legrattlesare“indirectlystruckidiophones”;thatis,idiophones set in vibration not through themovement of striking, but indirectly through someothermovementoftheplayer.Withinthissubgroup,theyarefurtherspecifiedas“strungrattles–rattlingobjects strung in rowson a cord.” Yoremewould care very little to know that their legrattlesareorganologicallyverypreciselydefinedbythenumber112.111,fornoneconsidersthemto be “musical instruments” in the first place. Rather than artifacts that humans use to makerhythmic sound, the ténabarim are “entangled in webs of complex relationships” (Bates 2012:364)— relationships that involve all constituents of the environment: human and other-than-human(animals,spirits,deities),animateandinanimate.9

Because the ténabarim are used in ceremonial context, we must expand the kind ofecologicalapproachtothestudyofmaterialssuggestedby Ingold—“theways inwhichhumanlivesareboundupinprocessesofproductionwiththelivesofanimalsandplants,weather,andthe land”(2012:431)—to includethe instrument’scosmologicalandontologicalsignificanceaswell.Anumberofgroundbreakingecomusicologicalstudiesofmusicalinstrumentsthatstresstheimportance of materials while including analyses of the social, ritual, historical, economic, andecologicalcomplexsurroundingtheirperformancehaveservedasinspirationforthispresentcasestudy(foremostAllen2012,Dawe2015,Ryan2015,Solis2012).Ibelievethatonlybytellingthehistories of the materials of which sound-producing instruments are made will we be able tounravelthesewebsofrelationships.Drawingfromarchaeologicalandscientificsources,combinedwith ethnographic evidence acquired over the course of a decade in northern Sinaloa, I willattempttountanglethemeshworkofthesilkcocoonbyfollowingmultiplestrands,frommaterialcultureandindigenouscosmologytosustainabilityandbiodiversity,fromagro-pollutionandinsectmortalitytopoliticalecologyandculturalproduction.

Archaeologicalandethnohistoricalrecordsofidiophones

DuringtheLatePostclassicperiod(AD900-1521)thesemi-sedentarygroupsinMexico’snorthernperipherysharedsomecustomsandcorebeliefswiththethen-dominantAztecswhooccupiedthevalleyofMexicoandcontrolled largepartsofMesoamerica.10SeveraloftheYoremeceremonialmusicalinstrumentsresembleAztecinstrumentsinusebeforeandatthetimeoftheEncounter,such as the omichicahuaztli bone rasp and the ayacachtli handheld gourd rattle (Both 2007).AccordingtoRobertStevenson,theubiquitouslegrattleshadvariousnames,theirjingles(coyolli)

8http://dictionary.onmusic.org/terms/3118-shaken_idiophone(accessedJune15,2015).9TheYoremecallthemselvesyoremeoryoleme,derivedfromtheverbyore(“theonetobeborn”),butananimaloraflowermayalsohavetheattributeofyolemebecausetheyaresentientbeingsaswell.Duringtheextraordinarytimeofritual,there isnodistinctionbetweenhumanandnon-humanbeings,anddancersmaytransformintotheanimaltheyrepresent.Formoredetails,seeSimonett(2014and2015).10 In the past decade there has been an increased interest by archaeologists in documentingMesoamerican practices inwesternMexico; for adetailedoverviewseeBeekman(2010).Establishedagriculturalistsalongthecoastarebeststudiedtodate,whilearchaeologicaltracesofnomadicpopulationsaretootenuousforanyconclusivestatements.“MuchresearchinwesternMexicoremainscultural-historical,withceramictypologiesand dating occupyingmuch effort. But the growing list of theoretical topics includes interregional interaction, production and exchange, socialinequality,mortuarypractices, the symbolismof rockart,humanadaptation, subsistence intensification,diet,politicalorganization,anddiversestudiesofsymbolism,particularlyofobjectsandtheirculturalmeanings”(Beekman2010:45).


weremadeofclay,nutshells,driedfruits,aswellasgoldandcopper:“Slitbelowandwithahardpellet inside, they were often strung together and worn as dancers’ necklaces, bracelets, andanklets” (Stevenson1968:40).Stevensondoesnotmention jinglesmadeofcocoons. In fact,noarchaeological findingsof legoranklerattlesmadewithmothcasesorpictorialevidenceofthisdelicateidiophoneareknown.

WhileitisalsounknownsincewhenindigenousdancersinnorthwesternMexicohaveusedténabarimaslegrattles,thereisamplearcheologicalandpictorialevidencefortheusageofanklebells and rattling idiophones throughout ancient Mesoamerica and adjacent regions (Fig. 1).Widely utilized in agricultural rites, the sounds of rattles and bells in rituals were intended topromotehumanandagriculturalfertilityandregeneration(Seler1903).Bellsandbellsoundswereassociated with one of the major Mesoamerican deities, the feathered serpent Quetzalcóatl,whose earliest-known representation as vegetationgodstemsfromtheTeotihuacáncivilization(pyramidatTeotihuacán,centralMexico,AD150to200).Sincethen, the deity had often been depicted withprominent rattles, sometimes shown as bells.Quetzalcóatl in human form wears ankle bells, asportrayed in the sixteenth-century Florentine Codex(Sahagún 1951). Occasionally Quetzalcóatl is shownholding the chicahuaztli rattle-stick orayacachicahuaztlimistrattle-board,believedtobringaboutrainwhenshaken(Stevenson1968:38;Hosler1994:236).Variousearth,vegetation,water,andraindeities, suchas thepulque godTezcatzóncatl (CodexMagliabechiano, folio 54; Florentine Codex, Book 1)and Xipe Tótec (Codex Borgia, folio 49), god ofagriculture and patron of the metal smiths, areinvariably represented with rattling instruments(Hosler1995:109).Asa life-death-rebirthdeity,XipeTótecconnectedagriculturalrenewalwithwarfare.InwesternMexico(present-dayMichoacán),seatofthePurépecha (Tarascan) Empire, depictions of chiefwarriors wearing ankle bells indicate that bell andrattle sounds were associated with warfare (Hosler1995:111).

The Tarascans, who had imported theknowledge of metallurgy from Central and SouthAmerica (Ecuador and Peru) via maritime routes,developed techniques of bell manufacturingemphasizingspecificsoundandcolorproperties thatexpressedfundamentalreligiousbeliefs(Hosler1995:113).Bellsandothermetallicobjectswereworn by elites and nobles and used in rituals. One of those sounds pertaining to the sacredparadiseinAzteccosmovisionwerethesoundsofbells,“associatedwiththeshimmering,colorful,singing birds and with human voices that represent deities and their human transformations”(Hosler 1995: 107). Diffusion by trade or migration brought metal bells, maybe including theconcepts associated with their sound, to the less stratified societies in the Mesoamerican

Figure 1: Female figurine with headdress and leg rattlesmade of clay. Provenance unknown; Middle Preclassicperiod(950–400BC).

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peripheries. Indeed, long-distance trading routes along the Pacific coast had existed since theClassic period (Kelley 2000). Copper bells were unearthed from mounds in northern Sinaloa.GordonEkholm,who led thearchaeologicalexcavationsatGuasave in1941, suggested that thepersonburiedwith87bellstiedinarowandwoundaroundhisrightankle(onhisleftanklewereshellbeads)belongedtothelocalelite(furtherevidencedbytwotrophyheadsburiedwithhim).Otherbellsfoundatthesitehadbeenusedaspartofanecklace;anotherhandfulwasattachedtothearmbonesofvariousskeletons(Ekholm1942:97).CarpenterandSánchez(2008)suggestthatitems, such asMesoamerican-style pottery, copper bells and other copper artifacts, turquoise,obsidianblades,andtrophyheads,werepartofanemerginglocalprestigeeconomy.

Localprehistoryis(still)poorlydocumented.Acrucialreasonforthepaucityofdata,DanielReff holds, is the academy’s disproportionate interest in Mexico’s high cultures thatovershadowed everything else, particularly frontier regions, and a tenacious belief in thecivilization-savagery myth that propagates northwestern Mexico as barbarian wilderness (Reff1991:11).

Due to the scarcity of ethnohistorical records fromnorthwesternMexico andhaphazardarchaeological findings, such as the copper bells in funerary assemblages during the Guasaveperiod(AD1100-1400),nothingspecificallyisknownabouttheusageofthesebellsinprehispanictimesotherthanforadornment.EarlySpanishexplorersreportedsizablevillagesandtownsandoccasional largeurbancenters intheCuliacánvalley,withmarketswherecotton, fruit, fish,andothercommoditiesweretradedandpurchased(Reff1991).11Althoughaccountslackethnographicdetails, they concur with extant archaeological records that confirm artisanal production ofelaboratepolychromepottery, ornateobjectsof gold, silver, copper, shell, alabaster, turquoise,and obsidian. Local eliteswore ear pendants and arm and leg bracelets of silver and turquoise(Reff1991:26).Themostextensiveeyewitnessreportfromtheearlycolonialperiod(1604–1619),written by the Jesuit missionary Andrés Pérez de Ribas (1645), was unfortunately more of atextbook on missionary work than an ethnographic account. Pérez de Ribas’s “attention toethnographic details reflected his belief that one had to understand native idolatry andsuperstitioninordertocombatandreplacethemwithChristianspirituality”(Reff1999:4).UnlikeSahagún’s in-depthGeneralHistoryaboutthe“civilized”and“noble”Aztecs,PérezdeRibasverybroadlydescribednatives’“barbarous”behaviorssuchasdancing,withoutspecifyinganyaspectsofthem.Whatmusicalinstrumentsbesidesthementioneddrumsdidtheindigenouspeopleinthefrontier regionuse for theirdances?Wereanyof them idiophonesattachedtothebody?Whatwastheirmeaningbeyondsoundproduction?

However, just because there are no extant artifacts today or customs and practices are“unmentioned,”weshouldn’tassumethattheydidnotexist(Griffen2000:264).IntheregionsofMexicowithasubstantialethnohistoricalrecord,therootsofprecolumbianmusicculturescanbeeasily followed through colonial times to the twentieth century. For regions with little or noarchaeological or ethnohistorical record, Adje Both holds, “livingmusic cultures [may] preservecertainaspects,whichenableustolookandlistenbackonthemusicalpast”(2012:11).Similarly,Alfredo López Austin (1997) stresses that ethnographic knowledge may illuminate ancientpractices and worldviews not fully understandable from archaeological and colonial-periodsourcesalone.Whileitisnotmyintentiontoestablishtheexistenceofuninterruptedindigenoustraditionsordemonstratetheirantiquity,itisnonethelessafruitfulapproachasnumerousstudies

11ThefirstaccountontheCáhitawaswrittenbyDiegodeGuzmánonhis1533expeditionintonorthernSinaloaandSonora.Anestimated100,000peoplewerelivinginpermanentvillagesalongthethreemajorrivers.


thatbridgematerialand livingcultureshaveshown.12Theconvergenceofethnomusicologyandmusicarchaeology,GraziaTuziconcludesinherstudyoftheNahuavoladoresdance,“opensupawaynotonly for the interpretationof thearchaeologicalpastbymeansofcontemporarymusicanddancepractices,butcertainlyalsofortheinterpretationofthewaycontemporarymusicanddancepractitionersadapt‘their’pastinordertoshapetheirpresent”(2013:173).

DuetodynamictradingnetworksalongthePacificcoast, particularly after the collapse of the interior,copperbellscastintheWestMexicometalworkingzone,which according to Hosler (1995: 101) stretched intocentralSinaloa,couldeasilyhaveendedup in thehandsof semi-sedentary people further north. The earliestknownphotographicevidenceoftheiruseiscapturedinastudio photograph (a commercial carte-de-visite) of adeer dancer taken around 1870. His attire consists of awhitelong-sleevedcottonshirtandpants,acoloredshortskirt and a waist sash; on top of his head, which iscoveredbyawhitescarf,isastuffeddeerheadadornedwith a white flower; a belt with brass bells is wrappedaround his waist and strings of cocoons around hisankles; heholds a pair of gourdhand rattles. Curiously,theoutfitofthisdeerdancerresemblesacontemporaryYoremepascoladancerwearingadeerheadandapairofhandheld gourd rattles — a strange mixture ofceremonialparaphernalia(Fig.2).13

Severalmorephotographsweretakenbyforeignscientists and travelers in the latenineteenth andearlytwentiethcenturiesthatshowpascoladancerswithbeltsof coyoolim (brass bells) and both pascola and deerdancerswearing legoranklerattlesmadeofcocoons.14Staged photographs from then on consistently showattirescorrespondingwithcontemporaryusagebybothYoremeandYaquicommunitiesinSinaloaandSonora.15

We know of deer and pascola dances from nineteenth- and turn-of-the-century sources(Hardy1829, Zúñiga1835, Escudero1849,Velasco1850,Hernández1902,Hrdlička1904),16 but 12 IalludeheretotheXIICongressofthe ICTMStudyGroupforMusicArchaeology inValladolid,Spain(2011),titled“SoundandRitual:BridgingMaterialandLivingCultures.”SomenotablepublicationsthatattempttobridgetheseculturesareHowell(2007),Simonett(2012),andTuzi(2013).13Thecarte-de-visitephotograph’stitlereferstoaYaquideerdancer;however,theattireresemblescontemporaryYoremecustomtodressfully(whereasYaquideerdancers’upperbodiesarenaked)(Collection,Muséedel’Homme,Paris).EquallyequivocalisthetitleofaphotographtakenbyLéonDiguet ca.1896, reprinted inDebroise (2002:126): aportraitof aYaqui group, consistingof adeerdancer, amaskedpascoladancerandmusicians(harp,violin,flute-drumplayer,andthethreedeersingers), ismislabeledas“Huichol Indians,”althoughelsewhereinthetextthere ismentionofanimageof“musiciansofthedeerdanceoftheCahitaYaquisofBajaCalifornia.”14BecauseofthesimilarityofceremonialdancesthroughouttheCáhitaregion,Iincludeethnohistoricaldatafromotherindigenouscommunitiestoconstrue Yoreme cultural practices, following Reff’s remark that “the paucity of data for some groups is offset by the fact that native peoplesthroughout[theregion]sharedmanybehaviorsandbeliefsarisingfromacommonadaptationtoanaridenvironment”(1991:19).15 See Dorotinsky Alperstein (2009) on the construction of the concept of indigenismo via photography in the early decades of the twentiethcentury.16ExceptforHrdlička,ananthropologistemployedbytheSmithsonianInstitute(butwhoseaccountontheYaquiislargelybasedonhearsay),theseearlyauthorswereinterestedintheindigenouspopulationsforrathermundanereasons:Howpacificandlaboriouswerethey?Howsafewastheregionforentrepreneurialinvestments?SeeCorral(1884[1959]),aSonoranpolitician,latergovernorofSonoraandvice-presidentofMexico,whodescribedtheYaquiandMayoin1884;orHernández(1902),whowascommissionedbythestatetoreportontheYaquiandMayos.Hernándezapparentlyobservedthepascoladance(“bailedelPascol”),butquotedZúñiga(1835)foramoredetaileddescription(1902:93-94).

Figure2:1870carte-de-visite.Provenanceunknown.

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unfortunately,theylackethnographicdetail.Forinstance,LieutenantHardy,commissionedbytheGeneralPearlandCoralFisheryAssociationofEnglandtoexploretheGulfofCalifornia,reportedthat“intheirfestivitiesthe[Seri] Indianswearthehead(withtheirhornson)ofthisanimal[thedeer], forornamenting theirown!” (1829:298).ZúñigaobservedaYaquipascol, [unbufo] “conunamáscaramuy deforme en su cara, sonajas en pies,manos y cintura y una suelta entre lasmanos con que se acompaña á llevar el compaz [sic]” (a pascola [jester]with a very disfiguredmask over the face, rattles on the feet, hands and waist, and one between the handsaccompanyinghimselftokeeptime)(1835:8).AppointedbytheMexicangovernmenttoassemblemilitarystatistics,Escudero(allegedly)observedamaskedjesterdoinga“fantasticdance”calledpascol,wearing“sonajasenlospies,brazosycintura,yunasolaenlamanoconqueacompañaalamúsica [pitoy tamboril] llevandoel compas” (rattleson legs,armsandwaist, andone in thehandwithwhichheaccompaniesthemusic[whistleandtambourine]keepingtime)(1849:135).17Inthemid-century,anofficeroftheCommandancyGeneralnotedtheYaqui’sfestivenature:“denocheseocupan[…]ensusbailes llamadoselTesguin,elPascola,elVenadoyelCoyote,en loscuales amanecen” (throughout the night, and until dawn, they engage in dances called theTesguin,18 the Pascola, the Deer, and the Coyote) (Velasco 1850: 74). Half a century later,Hernández, amedical doctor and ethnographer commissioned by the government to report onSonora’s tribes and their uprisings, noted that the deermask of the Seri signifies strength andcourage, the rattles of the rattlesnake mean nobility and extra-human power, and antelopehoovesindicateagilityandlightness(“lamascaradevenadoesemblemadefuerzayvalentía,lassonajas de cascabel de serpiente significan nobleza y extra-humano poder, y las pezuñas deantílope indican agilidad y ligereza”) (1902: 55). It is doubtful whether the Seri ever hadidiophones made of rattlesnake tails. They for sure shared the custom with other tribes innorthwesternMexicotofabricateanklerattlesofmothcocoons.

Itisnotuntilthetwentiethcenturythatregionalaccountsyieldmoredetailedinformation.Anthropologist Ralph L. Beals, a pioneer of modern Mexican ethnography, described the“ceremonial regalia” of the pascola dancers as follow: “About each leg iswound a long doublestringwhichhasbeensewnthroughaseriesofcocoons(tenóvares),theendsofwhichhavebeenclippedoffandthehollowfilledwithsmallpebblesorgravel[…]Coyólesarefastenedaboutthewaist, a leather belt with a dozen or so copper bells or spirals ofmetal dangling from leatherstrips”(1945:119).Thisisoneofthefewdetailedethnographicdescriptionsfromthattime.Inanearlierpublication,Bealsreferredto“stringsofcocoonrattles”wrappedaroundanklesandlowerlegs as part of the costume of Yaqui-Mayo pascola and deer dancers, and leather belts “withpendant bits of metal on strips of rawhide” for the former and “belts of plaited leather withpendantdeerhooves”forthelatter(1934:502).Bealsdidnotexplainthenatureofthecocoonsused for the leg rattles, but at leasthe recognized themas suchunlikeMexicanethnographerswhospeculatedaboutthematerial:Basauripresumedthattherattlesweremadeof“driedfruitsofaplantintheregion”(1940:274);GonzálezBonillathoughtthatthedancersusedsnakerattles(1940:69).Thoughbothdried fruitsandsnakerattlescouldbeusedtomanufacture legrattles,Basauriidentifiedthemas“ténabaris”(“unlargorosariodecascabeles”—alongrosaryofrattles)andGonzálezBonilla as “animal [que] se llama ‘tenábari’” (ananimal called “tenábari” [sic]). Incontemporary Yoreme language, a ténabari is a silkmoth cocoon; the plural form (ténabarim)refers to a string of cocoons. The close-up photograph of the leg rattles of a pascola dancer,

17Thewordsused in this sourcearealmost identical toZúñiga’s, lettingmeconclude thatEscuderomaynothaveobserved thepascoladanceshimself.Hernández(1902:93)creditedZúñigaforthedescriptionofthepascoladance.18 No such dance is known. The authormay havemisunderstood: tesgüino is a corn beer made of sproutedmaize customarily served duringceremonies.Theotherthreedancesarestillperformedtoday.


reproduced inBasauri’sbook(1940:253),arecalled“ténabarim”andareunmistakablymadeofcocoonsandnot,asheassumed,ofdriedfruits.

TexanhistorianandarchaeologistWilliamC.Holden(1936)superficiallydescribeddeerandpascola dances he observed at a Sonoran Yaqui fiesta, referencing Frances Densmore’s (1932)moredetaileddescriptionofcocoonanklets.In1922theAmericananthropologisthadwitnessedtheHolyWeek celebrations in a Yaqui villagenear Phoenix, Arizona, andpublished the first in-depthstudyofYaquimusicontheUnitedStatessideoftheborder.AccordingtoDensmore,onlythe“leadingdancer”(thedeerdancer)worea“specialrattle[which]consistedofcocoonssewntogethersidebyside,formingastrip6to8feet longwhichwaswoundaroundthedancer’s legbelowtheknee.Eachcocooncontainedafewsmallpebbleswhichgaveforthasoft,jinglingsoundwithhismotion.Therattlewornonthisoccasionwassaidtobeveryoldandaboveanyvaluationinmoney.Asimilarornamentcollectedin1870byDr.EdwardL.Palmer,isshowninPlate29,b,and is recordedat theUnitedStatesNationalMuseumas ‘used in thePoscola [sic]dance.’ ThecocoonswereidentifiedasRothschildiajorulla”(1932:155–156),asaturniidnativetoArizona.19

British-born naturalist Edward Palmer traveled throughout the Americas to collectbotanical specimens. Between 1869 and 1910, he collected extensively for the United StatesDepartment of Agriculture and the Smithsonian Institution contributing significantly to earlyAmericanarchaeologyandethnology.20 Itwasalmostcertainlyhewho identifiedthecocoonsoftheYaquideerdancerattlehehadcollectedasRothschildiajorulla.Thisdesignationwasrepeatedin subsequent ethnographic publications (Kurath 1966: 32, Varela 1986: 94,Griffith 1998: 589).Others, unaware of Densmore’s study or less interested in instruments or in the performanceaspectofthedeerandpascoladancers,turnedtothebasicdescription of “cocoons with gravels inside” (Spicer 1980:102), “capullos demariposa conpequeñas piedrecillas pordentro” (butterfly cocoonswith little gravels inside,OlmosAguilera 1998: 113), or “capullos de crisálida” (cocoons ofthechrysalis,OchoaZazueta1998:195).Evenmorerecentdescriptions of indigenous dance in northwestern Mexicoavoid referring to the specifics of materiality: Shorter(2009),whosemonographcentersontheYaquideerdance,mentions“legrattles”once(notevenrenderingtheirYaquiname); the over 400 page heavy Atlas etnográfico ofMexico’s northwestern indigenous peoples (2013) includesstrikingcolorphotographsfeaturingdancerswithténabarim— including the newer versions ofman-madematerials—andanoverexposedclose-upofamariposacuatroespejos;although theAtlas greatly emphasizesmaterial culture andleg rattles are used by several of the indigenous groupsdiscussed, they are merely described as “una sarta decapullos de mariposa con unas piedritas adentro, queproduce un sonido muy peculiar” (a string of butterflycocoons filled with pebbles that produce a very peculiar

19 Mexico has about 195 Saturniidae species; 40 species residing in northern Mexico alone. At first a subspecies of the Rothschildia jorulla,entomologistselevatedthecinctatofullspeciesstatusin1976(Tuskes,Tuttle,andCollins1996:189).20Palmercollectedover100,000specimensanddiscoveredapproximately1,000newspecies.Hestudiedtheculturalusesofplantsbyvisitinglocalmarketstoprocurethem.Hisdocumentationofplantuseshelpedfoundmodernethnobotany.See:http://ocp.hul.harvard.edu/expeditions/palmer.html(accessedJune27,2015).

Figure3:“YaquiRattles.a)UsedinDeer[sic,pascola]dance;b)worn inDeer dance.”Collected byEdwardPalmer in 1870 for the Smithsonian Institute(Densmore1932,Plate29).

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sound,MoctezumaZamarrónandAguilarZeleny2013:188).

LepidopteraninsectsoccupyaspecialplaceinmanyindigenousculturesoftheNewWorld.Their “exquisite wing designs, thirst for the finest flowers, allure, sense-perceptions that farexceed the ken of vertebrate humans, improbable stamina in flight, capacity for mimesis and,aboveall,spectacularmetamorphosis”havegarneredthemdeitystatus(Brotherston2011:234).EmbodimentsofLepitopteraareknowninvariousancientMexicanculturesandareevidenceoflongstandingreciprocitiesbetweenMesoamericaand itsnorthernregions.TheChichimeca,whoabandoned the increasinglymore arid north-central plains during the Postclassic for the fertilevalley ofMexico, were allegedly guided by Itzpapalotl, the “obsidian butterfly.” The Chichimecheroineledthemigration,pressingforwardthrougharrowsshotfromallcardinaldirections,fourof them penetrating her body despite protection by an obsidian rimmed white moon shield(Brotherston 2011: 251). The representations of Itzpapalotl in ancient codices resemble amariposa cuatro espejos, its four large irregular triangular semitransparent spots on the wingsindicating the arrows.When the Aztecs conquered the Chichimec, they absorbedmany earlierdeitiesintotheirreligion,includingItzpapalotl.ButterflieswereoftendepictedonAztecwarriors’shields, some referring to the “obsidian or clawed butterfly” Itzpapalotl and others to the“precious feather flower” Xochiquetzal, which resembles a Two-tailed Swallowtail (Papiliomulticaudata), a very common butterfly in central Mexico. Lepidopteran motifs also figureprominently on pottery, stone carvings, mural paintings, codices, feather work, breastplates,sculptures, andmetal ornaments. Often they appear in such highly stylized forms that pioneerarchaeologistsmisinterpretedthem(Ross1998).

Mexican Lepidoptera biodiversity is astounding. Of the estimated 22,000 species some14,000areknown(Heppner2002).Beingexceedinglydiverseinhabitats,aquarterofthespeciesisendemictoMexico,amongthemtheRothschildiacincta.AtthetimeoftheEncounter,wildsilkmothswerewidespread,somespinningindividualcocoonsandotherslargenestswithasmanyasahundred larvae,butapparently indigenouspeopledidnotuse the fibers tomakeyarn (Borah1943). In 1541, the Franciscanmissionary Toribio de BenaventeMotolinía commented that theNahuas did not know the value of thewild silkworm cocoons common in theValley ofMexico(Borah 1943: 110).Maybe therewas no necessity to exploit the cocoons because cotton, fromwhich fine garments were woven, was available in abundance. In any case, Spanish explorersfoundMexico’sclimatesuitedforsilkproductionandorderedshippingofmulberryseedlingsandsilkwormeggsasearlyas1523.Basedonabundantarchivalsourcesincludingtitherecords,Borahtracedtheemergingsilkraising industryforwhichskilledcultivatorsfromsouthernSpainhadtobe enlisted to teach the indigenous workers the techniques of successful sericulture. By 1540these efforts began to yield success: Silk raising became one of the most lucrative economicenterprisesincolonialMexicountilitsdeclineinthelatesixteenthcentury.Ascolonialmulberry-silk culture lost all commercial importance, nativeswouldmake use ofwild silk, employing thetechniquestheyhadlearnedfromsericulture.

Itmaynot surprise thatpeople indifferentpartsof theworddiscovered thatwhole silkmothcocoonsmightbeusedintheconstructionofavarietyofartifacts.Filledwithgravel,thesenatural containers historically served various Californian Indians as handheld stick rattles forceremonial purposes, although very few of these idiophones seem to have been collected anddepositedinmuseums(Kroeber1925:419-20).EntomologistRichardPeiglernoticedaremarkablesimilarityinmothcocoonankletsinsouthernAfricaandnorthwesternMexico,suggestingancientorigin (1994: 2). Inbothplaces, stringsof cocoonsarewornas ankle rattles, but themakingofthem is quite different. Even among the ethnic groups of northwestern Mexico and the


southwesternUnitedStatestherearenoticeabledifferencesintheassemblingofthecocoons.21

Entomologyandecologyofthemariposacuatroespejos

InYoremeterritory,themostprevalentsilkmothisthemariposacuatroespejos,namedafterthetriangular-oval“mirror”oneachofitsfourwings.Thisgiantmoth(saturniid),withawingspanof4–6inches(10–15cm)wasscientificallydiscoveredin1882andintroducedasanewmothspeciesin theBulletinof theBrooklynEntomologicalSociety (Tepper1883)by thenameofRothschildiacincta, a nod to the British banker and zoologist Lionel Walter Rothschild (1868–1937) whosecollectionofbutterfliesincluded2.25millionspecimens.Themajorityofsaturniidsliveinwoodedtropicalandsubtropicalregions,withover40speciesresidinginnorthernMexicoalone(Tuskesetal. 1996). Moths are nocturnal insects and thus less spectacular in color than butterflies.22Silkworms in particular have kindled scientific curiosity for centuries. The earliest scientificpublication about lepidopteran insects, Insectorum Theatrum (Theater of Insects), appeared inLondonin1634(Majerus2002:28).

Thelifecycleofamothhasfourmajorstages:egg,larva(caterpillar),pupa(chrysalis),andadultinsect.Eggstakeabouttwoweekstohatchintolarvae.Thelarvaefeedonthefoliageofthesangrengado (Jatropha cinerea,Ashy Limberbush), a large, succulent shrubwith silvery-leatheryleaves typical of the coastal environments and scattered throughout the thorn scrub in thefoothills (YetmanandVanDevender2002).Areddishsapdripsfromthecutbranches,hence itsSpanish name (derived from sangre, blood). Because livestock will not touch it, the scrub hasproliferatedonthecoastalplain,providingplentyofnourishmentfortheravenouscaterpillars.23After the tiny silkwormswith disproportionately large heads and jaws have left their eggshells,theystarttomunchonthesangrengadoleaves.Overthenextmonth,theymoltfivetimestogrowintoplumpcaterpillarsof 2–3 inches (5–8 cm). The larvae feed voraciously to complete growthbefore the hot summer temperature dries out the leaves and to minimize exposing theirvulnerablebodiestoparasitoidsandotherpredators.Rothschildiacaterpillarshaveadaptedwelltotheirenvironment:Ofbrightgreencolor,withyellowishlinesthatdividethesegmentsoftheirbodiesandrowsoftinyorangespotsfromwhichshorthairssprout,theyaredifficulttospotinthefoliageofthesangrengado.24

When ready for pupating, the larvae search a protected location and begin to meshthemselves into silk strandsproducedby their salivaryglands,a featureunique tomoths.25Thelarvaedevoteaconsiderableproportionoftheirbiomasstotheproductionofsilkandmanyhoursfor spinning the cocoons (Tuskes, Tuttle, and Collins 1996). Silkworms are master craftsmen.Firmlyattached toa twig, ameshworkof silken strands formsa chamberwhere thepupaewillremainmotionless for the next 8 to 9months, protected fromweather, parasitoids and otherenemies. The Rothschildia caterpillars spin thick silken cocoons; the ones made in themonte(mountainous wilderness) a bit off the seashore the Yoreme consider of perfect thickness forcreatingtheidealsoundoftheténabarim—“unsonidodelgado”(aslenderorthinsound).Inthe 21LegrattlesfromotherpartsofnorthwestMexicothatPeigler(2011)hadinspectedoccasionallyalsocontainedcocoonsoftheEupackariacalleta,Hyalophoracolumbiagloveri,orAntheraeamontezuma.RotschildiacinctacocoonsareusedbyYoremeaswellasYaqui,Seri,Pima,Tarahumara,andTohonoO’odham.ThemakingoftheYoremeténabarimwillbeexplainedbelow.22BelongingtotheLepidopterafamily,mothsmaybecalled“butterfliesofthenight.”InSpanishlanguagenodistinctionismadebetweenbutterflyandmoth:theyarebothcalledmariposa.23Unlikelivestockthatsimplyavoidtoxicplants,insectspecieshaveevolvedadaptationstospecifichostplants,suchasdevelopingenzymesthatdetoxifytheplantcompounds(Tuskes,Tuttle,andCollins1996).24Photographsoffull-growncaterpillarandcocoon:http://www.silkmoths.bizland.com/RothschildiacinctaNovember2007ls.htm(accessedJune2,2015)25TowatchapupatingRothschildiacincta:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NWOi1d_Ad_U(accessedJune2,2015).

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foothillsawayfromthecoastline,thecocoonwallsaretooleatherytomakeapleasingsound,buttheylastlonger.Thepupaeremaindormantthroughoutthedryseason,theirash-coloredcocoonshardly distinguishable from their surroundings. Prolonged droughtsmaymake them stay insidetheirchambersforseveralyears.Duetohumangreediness,thisstageinthecycleofamoth’slife,aswillbeshownlater,hasbecomemostvulnerable.

Figure4:Caterpillar,ténabari,andmariposacuatroespejos(male).(PhotographsbyHelenaSimonett)

Entomologists admit that “with the exception of the distantly related commercialsilkworm,littleisknownofspinningbehaviororthephysiologyandecologyofcocoons”(Tuskes,Tuttle,andCollins1996:21)—evenlesssoaboutthemetamorphosisofthepupaintotheadultinsect, which is still considered a mystery. For what we know, after the metamorphosis iscompleted,theRothschildiamothshatchfromtheirpupaeinalateafternoonatthebeginningoftherainseason(JulytoOctober).Withalifespanof7to10daysonly,theyimmediatelytaketothewinginordertoaccomplishtheirmostimportanttask:seekingamatetoreproduce.

In recent years, public awareness of the impending disappearance of the emblematicmariposacuatroespejoshasgrowndueto localenvironmentalactivismandnewspaperreports,calling for legislation to protect the insect. A butterfly house (mariposario), dedicated topreservingtheinsectandeducatingthepublic,wasinauguratedonAugust9,2014inLosMochis’sbotanical garden.26 Moth population size fluctuates naturally over time due to factors such aschangingbirthanddeathratesandmigration intooroutof thepopulation’sterritory.Bacterial,fungal,andviralinfectionsmaycauseadecreaseofmothpopulations.Diseasesareusuallycyclicbecause they dependon seasonal environmental conditions. In addition to seasonal changes intemperatureandhumidity,climatechange isplayingamajorrole inthespreadofdiseases.Theregion’s climate variability caused by the El Niño phenomenon will further aggravate livingconditions as a robust tendency to more extreme warm phases is predicted for the future.27Synergisticeffectsofbothclimatechangeand landuseareexpected tocausea replacementofsemiarid by arid vegetation and a risk of significant species extinctions: up to 11% ofMexico’sbutterfliesmay be committed to extinctionwith a temperature increase of 1.3–3°C above pre-

26 LosMochis is situated innorthernSinaloa. “Protecciónde lamajestuosamariposacuatroespejosyplantadesangregadoenParqueSinaloa,”https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sVCIZ-1EHao,postedApril22,2015(accessedJune21,2015).27PaleoenvironmentalstudiesshowthatMexico’smacroclimatehasbeenratherstablesincethearidperiodthatextendedintothefirstmillennium—anextremeariditythathadcontributedtotheabandonmentofthenorth-centralpartofMesoamerica(Beekman2010:73).


industriallevels.28

Arid regions aremost vulnerable to climate variability that affectswater resources. TheupperFuerteRiverwassealedoffbytheElMahoneDam(PresaMiguelHidalgoyCostilla)in1956;asecondwaterreservoirwasbuilt in1996(PresaHuites) inorderto increasenorthernSinaloa’spower production, flood control, and to appease the demand for irrigationwater by the ever-growing agricultural industry. The long-term consequences of these drastic changes in theecosystem are not (yet) fully assessable. Human activities have certainly accelerated processesalreadyunderway.

Moths encounter a multitude of adversities, but humans are their greatest enemy.Majerus’s listofdirecthumanactions thatharm insectpopulations include chemical insecticidesprays,biologicalcontrolusingbacterialandviraldiseases,geneticallymodifiedcropscontaininginsecticide (anti-insect) genes, and pheromone traps to catch males (2002: 261). Chemicalinsecticides are widely used on Sinaloa’sagricultural fields to suppress lepidopteraninsect pests; such toxins cause highmortalityin non-target species, including saturniids.Additionally, the population of the mariposacuatro espejos is put in danger by theoverharvesting of cocoons that have not yetbeenabandonedbytheanimals.Anincreasedcompetition of who-gets-to-harvest-the-mostmakespeople rush into thewilderness to cutthe precious cocoons off the twigs with thepupaestillinside.Thepriceofasingleténabariin the region is half a peso. At the FestivalYoreme2014inthecapitalofSinaloa,itwouldhave costme twopesos. A pair of leg rattles(each strand 3–4 m long) consists of up to1,000pieces;atacostof300pesospermeter(in comparison: an agricultural laborer earns100to150pesosperday).Peiglerwastoldinthe1980salreadythatthepopulationlevelofthe silk moth along the Yaqui River (Sonora)had dropped due to massive sprayings ofillegal fields of opium poppies andmarijuanawith herbicides by the Mexican government(Peigler 1994: 6). The disappearance of thesaturniids fromtheir land forced theYaqui tobuy ceremonial regalia from their southernneighbors. Yoremedancers sometimes sell their legrattlesafterperforminginfiestasinSonoratogeneratesomeextraincome.Ténabarimaremuchsought-after,giventheincreasingscarcityofwildsilkwormcocoons.

28“ClimateChangesImpactinMexico,”IPCC4thAssessmentReport,2007,http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/aboutcc/problems/rising_temperatures/hotspot_map/mexico.cfm#sthash.DCMvB6LS.dpuf (accessed July31,2015).AccordingtotheIPCC(IntergovernmentalPanelonClimateChange),2–18%ofMexico’smammals,2–8%ofthebirds,and1–11%ofthebutterflies are committed to extinction with temperature increase of 1.3–3°C above pre-industrial levels (IPCC 2007: 583). Using modelingprojectionsofspeciesdistributionsforfutureclimatescenarios,Mexicoisexpectedtolose7–19%ofitsbutterflyspeciesby2050.

Figure 5:Wandering in the nearly impenetrable thorny foothills nearLázaro Cárdenas,Sinaloa, withDon SaturninoValenzuela searching forténabarim.(PhotographbyHelenaSimonett,2014)

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In November 2014, biologistsat the university in Culiacán alertedthe public about the impendingdisappearanceofthemariposacuatroespejos and urged Mexico’senvironmentalministrytodeclaretheinsect an endangered species.29Several newspaper reports picked upthe story blaming the Yoreme (orcollectors that commercialize thecocoons) as culprits, for they use thecocoons in their costumes for thepascola and deer dances.30 Yoremefeelunjustlyaccusedforthevanishingof the mariposa cuatro espejos,holding that their ancient customshaveevolvedfromacloserelationshipwith, not against, the environment (Simonett 2015). Their cultural practices stem from a deepecologicalknowledgethathasevolvedovercenturiesoflivingin,engagingwith,anddependingonthisparticularenvironment.Humangreedandselfishnessdestroytheecologicalbalancebetweenhumans(Yoreme),non-humanbeings,andtheirphysicalenvironment.Harshisthustheircriticismofindividualswhocombthemontetoamasscocoons,particularlytheonesthathireindigenouspeople as jornaleros (a referencemade to the usual occupation of Yoreme as agricultural dayworkerspaidbythebucketforharvestedproduce).Gonearethemariposasfromtheirimmediateenvironment; maybe due to the droughts or the heavy use of pesticides on the circumjacentagricultural fields,myYoremeacquaintancesponder. Ithasbeensaid that the risingnumberofnew cases of leukemia in northern Sinaloa, particularly among children, may be caused byagrochemicals.31Jornalerosandtheirchildreninparticulararesubjectedtothedeadlysubstancesonadailybasis;sprayedoverheadonthefieldsandabsorbedbythesoilwithwhichthechildrenplayandthewaterinwhichtheybatheandwhichtheysometimesdrink.AnumberoffamiliesI’veknown for a decade have lost an infant or a child, and in recent years I have attended moreresponsos(ritualsofhonoringthedead)forchildrenthananyothercelebrationinvolvingdeerandpascoladances.32

29“PediráSinaloadeclareralamariposa‘Cuatroespejos’enpeligrodeextinction,”http://www.noticiasmvs.com/#!/noticias/pedira-sinaloa-declarar-a-la-mariposa-cuatro-espejos-en-peligro-de-extincion-695.html(accessedJune21,2015).30http://www.informador.com.mx/tecnologia/2014/557650/6/piden-declarar-en-peligro-de-extincion-a-mariposa-cuatro-espejos.htm(accessedJuly10,2015):“ElconsideradoinsectoculturalmentemásimportanteenMéxicohadisminuidoenlasúltimasdécadasporlacolectadeloscapullosporpartede indígenasopersonasque loscomercializanpara realizar los llamados ténabaris. Los ténabaris,dijo [elbiólogo]son loscapullosrellenodepequeñaspiedras,quesonutilizadosenlosatuendosparalasdanzasdeLaPascolayElVenado,delastribusmayosyyaquis.”31CarlosOrduño,“Leucemia,principalcáncerenSinaloa,”postedFeb.14,2012,http://www.noroeste.com.mx/publicaciones.php?id=756239;“LaLeucemia,ocupaelprimerlugarencáncerenniñossinaloenses,”postedFeb.12,2015,http://www.rutasinaloa.mx/?p=3111(accessedJune22,2015).32Thefirstresponsoisperformedaweekafterdeathoccurred(finishingontheeighthday);thesecondresponsoisheldatthefirstanniversaryofthedeadtoreleasethefamilyfromtheiryear-longmourningandthespiritofthedeceasedfromitsfinalyearofbondageinthisworld(Simonett2009).

Figure 6 Ceremonial paraphernalia in a Yoreme house. (Photograph by HelenaSimonett,2008)


Themakingoftheténabarim

The artificial desiccation of the alluvial plains for the extraction of irrigation water increaseddepressionsthatareatriskoftemporaryfloodingduringtherainseason.Overthedecades,thegovernmentrelocatedmanyindigenouspeoplefromthesezonesintonewlycreatedsettlementsonhighergrounds.Despite thehydroelectricdamsup in theSierra to regulate therivers’waterflow,thefloodplainsarestillpronetooccasionalinundation.Yoremekeeptheirténabarimstoredawayinaplasticorcottonbagwhennotinuse:likeforotherthingsintheirhumbledwellings,anailwilldotokeepthemoffthegroundanddry(Fig.6).Apartfrompossibledamagebywater,theuseofthelegrattlesduringtheritualsalsowearsthemoff.Forinstance,oneofthemovementspascola dancers may do to create a harsh rattling sound is to hit their lower legs together,squashingthetendercocoons;ordancersmayaccidentallystepontheténabarimandcrushthemifthestringcomes looseduringthedance. If takengoodcareof,however,ténabarimcan lastalifetimedespitethedelicatematerial.Theneedtomanufactureanewpairoflegrattlesforone’sown use is usually of economic nature. As already mentioned, when performing at a fiesta(ceremony) outside their community, dancersmaybe enticed to sell their ténabarim for dearlyneededcash.However,fewYorememakelegrattleswithacommercialintention.

Figure7:Advertisingamestizo-ownedartisanworkshopinSanMiguelZapotitlán,Sinaloa.(PhotographbyHelenaSimonett,2014)

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There are multiple reasons for or against engagement in the commercialization ofceremonialparaphernalia—opinionsarenotshapedalongethniclines,however,althoughthereis a tendency among Yoreme to discredit mestizo involvement in indigenous matters. Theinformation in this section is largely basedon recent ethnographic research amongmyYoremeacquaintances, skilled craftsmen but not artisans by trade. Artisan Francisco Javier Melendrez(a.k.a. “Chester”), from whom I learned “the mestizo way” of making leg rattles, generouslysharedhisartaswellashisopiniononthestateofthemariposacuatroespejos. I’mgratefultohim forallowingme to share thedocumentaryvideoclips I took inhisworkshop inSanMiguelZapotitláninDecember2014.33

Figure8: “ArtesaníasElChester” in SanMiguel Zapotitlán, Sinaloa. ThemuralwaspaintedbyChester’s father. (PhotographbyHelenaSimonett,2014)

Localartisansarewellawareoftheaccusationstoberesponsibleforthenearextinctionofthe mariposa. Thus, when asked about the provenance of his cocoons, Chester immediatelyrepliedthathedoesnotcollectthecocoonshimself,ratherhebuysthembagfulfromcollectorsandstate-runnurseriesfor80centstoapesopercocoon.Beforecraftingthecasesintolegrattles,heleavesthemlyingaroundinthesuntomakesurethatallmothshavehatched.Hestocksupasmanyas50,000.Thisisanimpressivenumberofcocoons—sufficientfor50pairsofthekindofténabarimChestermanufactures.LegrattlessellwellinSonorawhere,ashesays,themariposasaregoneandtheidiophonesarehighindemand.SincehemakesalivingasanartisaninavillagethatiscenterstageforoneofthemostelaboratecelebrationsofHolyWeek(semanasanta)intheregion, leg rattlesare justoneof several Yoremeparaphernaliahe crafts.Hisworkshop is filledwithothernaturalmaterials:drieddeerheads,gourdsofallsizes,wildboarandgoatfur,horsetailhair,woods,sisalfibers,amongmanyothers.

33Chestershowshowtostitchtogetherthecocoons.ArtesaníasElChester,Dec.1,2014,https://youtu.be/_M8XCA2DL74(postedDec.10,2015).ForacomparisonwiththemakingoflegrattlesbyaMayoartisan,seeYocupicio(2013),https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ChBQAHepVsM&feature=share(accessedJune21,2015).


Figure9:JudíosduringSemanaSantainSanMiguelZapotitlán,Sinaloa.(PhotographsbyHelenaSimonett,2004and2007)

Chester has acquired his expertise over the years, largely self-taught. He has picked upsomebasic ideasaboutsoundaesthetics (discussed indetailbelow),butasanyotherYori—asnon-indigenouspeoplearecalledby theYoreme—he lacksamoreprofoundunderstandingofthe indigenous sound world. Experienced indigenous dancers would never buy soundinginstrumentsormasksmadebyaYoriartisan.Infact,thedesignofChester’slegrattlesisgearedtowardsthe judíos, theenactorsoftheJews inthePassionstorywhowearsimilar legrattlesasthepascoladancers(Fig.9).ParticipationofYorisinthekontis(SacredWayprocessions)onthesixFridaysofLentandculminating in theHolyWeekcelebrations is strong.34Pilate’smanysoldierswant their leg rattles tohavea forceful sound,which requiresa largenumberof cocoons filledwitha larger thanusualnumberofgravel insideeachof thecocoons.So, if thedemand for legrattles isever-increasing, it isnotforthenumberedYoremedeerandpascoladancerswhocarewell for their treasured sacred paraphernalia, but for the (mostly Yori) judíos who have themonetaryresourcestobuytheappropriateoutfitinordertoparticipateintherevelriesofsemanasanta,evenifjustforoneseason.

Duetotheincreasednoiselevelat localceremonies,pascoladancersalsofeelcompelledto wear long leg rattles of about 500 cocoons per string. Half a century ago, Gertrude Kurath(1966: 32) counted only 120 on each string; Leticia Varela (1986: 95) 150 to 200. Themanufacturingofthelegrattlesforjudíosandpascolasonlydiffersinthewayapairofcocoonsisplacedtogether:forthepascolarattles,thesidesofthetwoteardrop-shapedcocoons,wherethelarva constructed an emergence valve fromwhere to exit after completingmetamorphosis, arefaced and squeezed together. In the case of the judío rattle, the opposite, harder, sides arepressed together which causes them to stand apart; wrapped around the lower leg they willappearbulkier.Kurathreportedthat“fourpebblesfromthetopofananthill”wereplacedineachcocoon;Varelatalkedofthreetosixgravelsofdifferentsizethatwereputintoeachofthecases.Afterhavingcutofftheupperendofthecocoonsandcleanedthehollowspace,Chesterfillsthemwith pebbles of different size to create contrasting pitches for the right and left leg rattles:between7to10ofthebiggergravelsfortherightlegandbetween4to6ofthesmalleronesfortheleftleg—becauseofitsfeeblersound,thislatterrattleisalsosuitableforthedeerdancer.35

34 Lentenobservancesamong theMayoof southernSonorahavebeendescribed indetailbyanthropologistN.RossCrumrine (1997),basedonfieldworkhedidinthe1960s.35Chesterdemonstratesthesoundofapairofténabariminhisworkshop,Dec.1,2014,https://youtu.be/Erpsz9hn5tc(postedDec.10,2015).

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Thepairsarethensewedtogetherusingtwocottonstringstointerlinkthestitches.Thebeginningloop in thestringwillbe fastened to thedancer’sbig toe, fromwhich it iswrappedaroundthelowerleg,startingabovetheankleboneandworkingupward.Securedwiththerestofthecottonstrings,theténabarimwillstayputevenduringvigorousdancing.

Figure10:Preparationofthecocoons,“ArtesaníasElChester.”(PhotographbyHelenaSimonett,2014)

Theyoungerpascolasare indeedvigorousdancerswho liketoproducestridentrhythmicrattling sounds. The agile deer dancer, on theother hand, leaps andboundsunconcernedwithrhythm:hisgesturesarethoseofadeer,notofa“humandancer,”anditisnothisintentiontobenoisy.Hisrattlesareshorter,onlycoveringthelowerpartofhislegabovetheankle.WhileVareladidnotnoticeadifference inthemakingofthe legrattles foreitherdeerorpascoladancersorPilate’s soldiers (called Chapayecas by the Yaqui), she correctly observed that the two cocoonsformingapairhaveadifferentpitch(“Decadapardecapullos,unodebesonarmásagudoqueelotro”).Forthateffect,one is filledwithfivesmallpebblesandtheotherwiththreebiggerones(Varela 1986: 95). Kurath’s (more detailed but less accurate) description of Yaqui’s “passiveidiophones”referstothelegrattlesofthedeerdancersheobserved:“Asthe[dancer]bounds,the960pebbleswithinthe240leather-likecocoonsrustlewitheachmotion,twiceasfastasthehoofs[ofthedeerdancer’sbelt],withinthe1-inchconfinesofeachcocoon.Alltogethertheirqualityisstillpianissimo,perhapspianoduringespeciallyvigorousleaps”(Kurath1966:32).Yoremestilluseonlyafewpebblesfordeerdancers’rattles,witheachcocoonofthepaircontaining3to4pebblesofdistinctsizetomakethemsounddifferently—takingthesmallgravelsfromthenestmoundsofthe harvester ant (Pogonomyrmex), a stinging ant species abundant throughout the desertregions.Althoughtheoverall rattlingof theténabarimmayappearthesame, forYoremesoundaestheticsitisvitalthateachcocoonofthepairemitsadifferent,complementary,pitch.Yoremesoundworldsareprofoundlydualistic,aswillbeexplainedbelow.

Althoughmuchtimehaspassedandmuchhaschanged inthe livesof indigenouspeoplesincetheseearlierscholarsmadetheirobservationsinthefield,musicalconceptsthatarebased


oncosmologicalbeliefsremainrelativelystable. Idoubtthattheseearlierscholarsobservedtheactualmakingof the instruments theydescribed.Kurath (1966)acknowledgedBeals (1945)andDensmore(1932)assourcesofinformationandVarela(1986)citedKurath,whoseaccountofthewaycocoonswerecollectedshetrustedmorethantheoneherYaquiinformantprovided.36Earlyscholars’preoccupationwithmaterialcultureresultedinareductionisticfunctionalism,althoughthey must be credited for having tried to present a full picture of what they considered animportant element of music cultures. Their writings, for what they are, serve as historicaldocumentsthatallowustoconstrueabetterunderstandingofthechangesinindigenousmaterialculture.

Spiritualworld,symbolism,andsoundaesthetics

Yoremematerial and spiritualworlds are inextricably interwoven. Yoreme thus donot considerténabarim as artifacts that humans utilize to make sound. Rather, as pointed out in theintroductionofthispaper,ténabarimareentangledinwebsofcomplexrelationshipsthatinvolvehuman,other-than-human,animate,and inanimateconstituentsoftheenvironment.Duringtheceremonial fiesta, skilled performers immerse themselves mentally and sensorially in thelandscapes of themonte. This natural landscape constitutes what Yoreme call juiya annia, theenchantedworldorworldofsensation.Juiyaanniaisbotharealandasacredworldinwhichthedeer is the perfect creature, an ancestral figure that dwells in mythological time— poeticallyexpressedinnumerouscantosdevenado(deersongs)inthewordcombination“seeguayoleme”(lit.“nativeflower”or“man-flower,”used interchangeablywith“deer”).37Thus,whensingingoftheténabari,itisfromtheperspectiveofthewanderingdeerthatseesithangingfromatwig,thebreeze making it sway and sound (free translation of the epigraph). In collective ceremonies,Yoremeperformativelyrememberaprimordialworldwhencommunicationbetweenhumansandother-than-humans (animals, spirits,deities)werenormal (Simonett2009).The ténabarialreadyhadavoiceintheprimordialpastofhumanity,buttomakeitaudibletohumans,ithastobegivensound(“darlesonido”)byputtinggravelinsidethecocoon.

Indigenous spiritual traditions, Robin Wright explains, “characteristically embed theirmetaphysical questions in a language and art of the sacred that is embedded in the natural,material world in which they live” (Wright 2013: 57). Rustling noises belong to the sunburnedlandscape of northwestern Mexico. Anthropologist Ochoa Zazueta (1998) assumed that therustlingoftheténabarimsymbolizedthenoiseoftherattlesnake;Varela(1986)wastoldbyherYaquiinformantsthatitwasthecrunchingofthedryleavesonwhichthedeerstepswhilewalkingthrough themonte— Iwas told something similar.With each of the deer dancer’smoves thedozens of deer hooves dangling from his beltmake a crackling sound like that of deer antlersrubbingagainstatree;thecoyoolim(brassbells)thatjangleatthepascola’swaistsymbolizethebirds’perpetualtrillingandwarbling.

Except for the water drum, the deer’s pulsating heartbeat, the sounding of all otheridiophonesusedinthefiestaisbasedonanall-encompassingontologicaldualisticbeliefsystem.The premise of such an indigenous philosophical and religious system is that everything has acounterpart without which it cannot exist. Polarities are not antithetical but interdependent,mutually supportive,andcomplementary. In indigenouscosmogony,“thedivinebeings […]hold

36Kurath“afirmaqueloscapullossonrecolectadosenprimavera,cuandolasmariposasyahanculminadosumetamorfosisyabandonadoelcapulloseco.Estoparecemásnaturalylógicoquelaelaboraciónartificialdelcapullocolectivoquemencionaelinformanteyaqui”(Varela1986:95,fn.16).37Foranexplanationofthemetonymicrelationshipbetweenflower,man,anddeer,seeSimonett(2012:147).

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within themselves the duality of being and becoming, manifesting themselves as specificphenomenalbeings (the sun,moon,animals,etc.), although, in sodoing, theydonot lose theiroriginal nature of constant becoming or intentionality” (Wright 2013: 45). Complementaritybecomes the major organizing principle within all aspects of community life, from social tospiritual.Yoremevaluequalitiesofsoundwithouthavingdevelopedagrandphilosophicaltheoryaboutthenatureofmusicandbeauty;thus,indigenoussoundaestheticsisnotreadilyavailabletotheoutsideobserver.Asmentionedabove,Yoremefilleachcocoonformingapairsuchthattheyemit a different, but complementary pitch. Left and right cocoon leg rattles produce differentpitches;thetwonotchedrasps,thepairsofmetaldiscsofthewoodenhandrattle,thepairofthehandheldgourdrattles,andthetwomembranesofthehandheldframedrumallsuccumbtotheprincipleofthiscomplementarydualism(Fig.11).

Figure11: Sound-making instrumentsbasedoncomplementarydualismused inYoremeceremonies: gourd rattles, ténabarim, rasp (the secondrasphaswidercutnotches),asistrum-likehandrattle,andaframedrum.

Symbols represent ideographic codes transmitting cultural messages that refer to basicvalues.Bonfiglioli (2006), inhis splendidanalysisofnotchedraspingsticksused inTarahumaranhealing rituals, argues that the rasp has to be understood as “camino cósmico” or stairwayconnecting cosmosandhumansandonwhich thedeerdescended inprimordial time. Shamansare rasping throughout curing ceremonies to vitalize the flow of cosmic energy. The rasp thusfunctionsasaxismundithroughwhichmentalstrengthistransmitted.Thespatialrepresentationoftheaxis ismotivatedbythesun’seast-to-west journey, itselfassociatedwiththecycleof life.The symbol of the spiral carries the same idea as the straight stairway. The so-called “peyotemotif,”aspikedcounter-clockwisespiral,hasbeenidentifiedonarchaeologicalpotteryandisusedtoday as a peyote symbol among the Huichol (Bonfiglioli 2006: 95). This particular spiral alsoappearsamongtheroughly640petroglyphsatLasLabradasonSinaloa’sshoreline(Fig.12).Rockcarvings at this site were made between 2,500 B.C. and 1,200 A.D., possibly by shamans torepresentvisionsseenduringtheirtrances.38

38AccordingtoMarriner,trancesinducedbyhallucinogenicplantshaveatransitionalstagewhereshamanspassthroughasimilarspiralorvortextunnel. “Interpretation of these design motifs is believed to be culture-bound but, on the other hand, what is actually seen and recorded iscontrolledbyspecificbiochemicaleffectsoftheactiveprinciplesintheplant”(2008).


Figure 12: Peyote motif at Las Labradas.(PhotographbyHelenaSimonett,2014)

Spiralmotifs are found in a wide variety of representations throughout native cultures.Perceived as an entrance to the spirit world, the counter-clockwise spiral is one of the mostcommon figures reportedly seen during shamanic trancing.39 Upward–downward and spiralmotionsareessentialinYoremeperformativity.Thestringsofténabarimarewrappedaroundtheleg spirally (working clockwiseupward,but symbolically suggestingamotion toward theearth);thepascoladancersmovecounter-clockwisewhendancingtotheharp–violinmusic,imprintingavoluteoffootprintsinthedirt(Fig.13).40

Figure13:Footprintsofdancingpascola.(PhotographbyHelenaSimonett,2013)

39Marrinerholdsthat“morethan90%ofhunter-gatherertribesincorporatetheshamanictranceasanimportantpartoftheirculture”(2008).Itisnocoincidencethatthespiralmotifissowidespreadinsuchsocieties.40Pascoladancing,https://youtu.be/-cty4Hjtjr0(postedDec.11,2015).

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Deer and pascola dancers, musicians, and singers are, by tradition, bestowed with theresponsibilitytotransmittheirdeepknowledgebywayofsoundandmovementandsotoconveythemeaningofYoremehumanity.UnlikeinYoremeculture,amongtheTarahumarathedeerhaslost itssymbolicsignificance:Deerhoovesonthebeltshavebeenreplacedwithshellcasingsortubesoftinfoil,yet,accordingtoBonfiglioli(2006:89),theyretaintheiroriginalconnectiontothehunt.Forlackofdeerhooves,someYoremedeerdancershavesubstitutedthemwithpighooves,whicharepractically indistinguishable inshapeaswellas insound—bothaspects importanttoYoreme deer dancers. The shortage of cocoons has forced dancers to be inventive: some useplasticwaterhosesoraluminumcanstofabricatetheirténabarim(Fig.14).

Figure14:Leg rattlesof insect-andman-madematerials:plasticwaterhoseandaluminumcan.Theboydeerwearsabeltwithsqueezedbeerbottlecaps insteadofhooves topractice thedance. (PhotographsbyHelenaSimonett,2007and2010)

Visually, these leg rattles are quite distinctive; soundwise, they are surprisingly similar.Chesterabhorsthese“newkinds”of legrattles:Fromamestizoartisan’spointofview,theyareunsellable, henceworthless.Opinions amongmy Yoreme acquaintanceswere split: “they don’tlookgood”;“theysoundalike,soit’sfinetousethem”;“betterthannothing”;“hosesandcansarenotfromjuiyaannia,theydon’tbelongtotheworldofthedeer”;“theyarefineforthejudíosbutnot for the venado and pascolas”; “they don’t sound right.” Because of the deepmythologicalnatureandnarrativesignificanceofdeerandpascoladances,thematerialityofceremonialsound-making instruments still matters. Even sound qualities are described inmaterial terms: grueso(thick) and delgado (thin) refer to pitch (in Spanish usually grave and agudo, low and high).Symbolically,thesoundofthenature-maderattlesisavitalspiritualenergythatnurturesalllivingbeings.Althoughindigenouspeoples’capacitytore-elaborateandreformulatetheirownculturalpracticeshasproventobeacompellingstrategyforethno-culturalsurvival,someYoremedoubtthatthedeerdancecangoonwithouttheinsect-madeténabarim.


Concludingremarks

Yoreme cocoon leg rattles are very unique “sound makers.” Their materiality is of primeimportance to the culture bearers because it is entangled epistemologically, ontologically, andcosmologicallywiththeanimateandinanimateenvironmentoftheirlivingspace.Startingwiththestoryoftheténabari—thecenterofthespiraltobeunraveled,sotospeak—Ihavedrawnfromarcheologicalandcolonial-periodrecordstodocumentthepresenceof idiophones,suchasbellsand rattles, in ancient cultural practices and fromethnohistorical andethnographic accounts toillustratetheusageof legrattlesamong indigenouspeoples inpost-IndependencenorthwesternMexico.EntomologicalresearchonLepidopterahashelpedmetounderstandthenatureoftheseextraordinary insects, as well as their struggle to survive in increasingly more hostileenvironments.

Toxins are widely used in Sinaloa’s agribusinesses to suppress insect pests in order toimprove crop yields, but they cause highmortality in non-target species, saturniids and humanbeingsalike.There isnoquestion thatSinaloa’secosystem is severelyoutofbalance.Butwhilemothsdevelopcircumventorystrategiessuchasmigratingtoavoiddetrimental livingconditions,humanbeingsseemlessadaptive.Substandardlivingconditionsandpovertypersistinindigenouscommunities and contribute to higher mortality rates. Drug-trafficking related violence in theregion further aggravates the already precarious living conditions of the indigenous and othermarginalized peoples. In 2008, theMexican government completely opened up trade relationswith theUnitedStatesandCanada,dropping remaining tariffsonbasic foodstuffs suchas corn,beans,milk,andsugar,forcingdomesticsmall-scalefarmersoutofbusiness.Afteraseverefrostin2011 and a series of very cold winters, Sinaloa’s large farmers and multinational corporationschangedtheirplantingstrategies: frost-sensitivebut labor-intensiveproduce liketomatoeswerereplaced by crops such as rice and white corn.41 Since these crops require little human labor,agriculturaldaylaborers,almostallofwhomareindigenouspeople,sufferfromunemployment.In2012,aseveredrought,compoundedby freezing temperatures,pushedupthecostofstaplefoods,includingcornandbeans.42ConsideredtobeMexico’sworstdroughtin70years—andonethatwaspredictedwouldlastforseveralmoreyears—thedryspellcausedgraveproblemsintheagricultural economy and threatened the viability of rural communities, particularly in thenorthernpartsofthecountry.43

The newspaper articles that appeared on the occasion of the opening of Los Mochis’sbutterflyhouseblamedthenearextinctionofthemariposaontheoverharvestingofitscocoonsby indigenousandotherpeopletomaketénabarimfordeerandpascoladancers.Theynotonlyfailedtomentionthatlargenumbersofcocoonsareactuallyusedforthepopularjudíocostumes,unrelatedtoYoremedeerandpascoladances,butalsoavoidedtorelatetheproblemofelevatedinsect mortality to the aerial spraying of the fields in this intensive farming region, or to thespecie’s sensitivity to variations of climate. So why blame the indigenous people for aphenomenon that is more likely caused by environmental degradation due to unsustainablehumanactivitiesandbyclimatechange?

The ténabari teaches us the importance of the study of themateriality and sonority ofmusical instruments fromanecologicalperspective:one thatshiftsourattention fromthe inert 41Sinaloaistheleaderinriceandvegetableproductionandsecondinwheatandbeanproductioninthecountry.Cropsaremainlyunderirrigation.42KarlaZabludovsky,“FoodCrisisasDroughtandColdHitMexico,”TheNewYorkTimes,Jan.30,2012,http://www.nytimes.com/2012/01/31/world/americas/drought-and-cold-snap-cause-food-crisis-in-northern-mexico.html?_r=0 (accessed July 10,2015).43 “Long,HardDroughtPredicted,”NewMexicoStateUniversity,FronteraNorteSur,Nov.23,2011,http://fnsnews.nmsu.edu/long-hard-drought-predicted(accessedJuly10,2015).

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material to new insights into the complex relationships of materials with their environment.Ultimately, it also teaches us “how we are part of and depend upon the earth and ourenvironments for our survival” (Allen and Dawe 2015: 8). Moths that struggle to survive andreproduce in a hostile environment are indicators of environmental degradation. But whileSinaloa’sbutterflynurseriesandthedramaticcalltoaddthemariposacuatroespejostothelistofendangeredspeciesmayraisepublicawareness, theywillnotsolve theproblemat theheartofthemoths’disappearance.

Dawe argues that “the sources or provenance of materials used in musical instrumentconstruction are important indicators of value […], connected to landscape and integral toplacemaking” (2015: 112). For Yoreme, juiya annia is the place where all life forms began,including human life. The ténabari holds within itself the duality of being and becoming: thepossibility for new life, both in the form of amariposa cuatro espejos and as a sound-makinginstrument—transitoryandephemeral,therebychallengingourassumptionsaboutthedurabilityof things and life itself. Rather than encoding their spiritual beliefs in imperishablemedia, theindigenous people of northwestern Mexico carry them out in their ceremonies — rituals thatrenew the linksofhumanitywithprimordialpowerseach time theyarebeingperformed. In sodoing,theykeepalivetheknowledgeoftheirancestors.

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HelenaSimonettreceivedherPhDinethnomusicologyfromtheUniversityofCalifornia,LosAngeles.SheiscurrentlySeniorResearchAssociateattheLucerneUniversityofAppliedSciencesandArts,Switzerland.Sheconductedextensive researchonMexicanpopularmusicand its transnationaldiffusionandexplores theroleof indigenousceremonialmusicanddance innorthwesternMexico.Herpublications includeBanda:MexicanMusicalLifeacrossBorders(2001)andEnSinaloanací:historiadelamúsicadebanda(2004).Sheis editor of The Accordion in the Americas: Klezmer, Polka, Tango, Zydeco, andMore! (2012) and (withJavierLeón)ofALatinAmericanMusicReader:ViewsfromtheSouth(2016).WithBernardoEsquerLópez,sheproducedthechildren’sbookCa’anáriam—Hombrequenohizofuego(2012)inYoremeandSpanishlanguage(withEnglishtranslation).

Citarecomendada

Simonett,Helena.2016. “Yoremecocoon legrattles:Aneco-organologicalperspective”.TRANS-RevistaTransculturaldeMúsica/TransculturalMusicReview20[Fechadeconsulta:dd/mm/aa]

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